thumbnail of Contemporary revolution in Latin America; Struggle for democracy
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<v Speaker>[Announcer intro] The following program is produced by the University of Florida School <v Speaker>of Journalism and Communications under a grant from the National Educational <v Speaker>Television and Radio Center in cooperation with the National Association <v Speaker>of Educational Broadcasters. <v Speaker>[Cantor] The struggle for democracy in Latin America is very complicated by the fact <v Speaker>that Latin America as a whole has never gotten over <v Speaker>the inheritance of the colonial period in its history. <v Speaker>[Cantor fades to a Paraguayan exile] The situation in the concentration camp is terrible. <v Speaker>They they have eh forced labor. <v Speaker>Then they they give you physical punishment. <v Speaker>Well, this is the real situation in Paraguay. [Latin music plays] <v Speaker>[Announcer 2nd intro]The University of Florida presents the Struggle for Democracy, the <v Speaker>third in a series of recorded documentary reports on the Contemporary Revolution
<v Speaker>in Latin America. <v Speaker>Your reporter is the distinguished American journalist and editor of the Christian <v Speaker>Science Monitor Erwin D. <v Speaker>Canham. <v Speaker>[Canham] The struggle for democracy in Latin America began with the wars of independence <v Speaker>during the first quarter of the 19th century. <v Speaker>The struggle continues today. <v Speaker>The United States can no longer sit back and view this struggle for self-government <v Speaker>by its neighbors with the same old indifference. <v Speaker>For the specter of the Cold War has permeated the issues. <v Speaker>And the failure of democracy in Latin America may well mean the loss of most <v Speaker>of Central and South America and the Caribbean to the communist bloc. <v Speaker>Western democracy is on trial in Latin America. <v Speaker>[Figueras] The real problem of Latin America is that these oligarchies that tried to stop <v Speaker>progress. There has to be economic development and it has to be a social justice.
<v Speaker>And this will not be done by the present day oligarchies <v Speaker>with whom the U.S. eh U.S. has been playing ball. <v Speaker>It will either be done by the liberal parties that are democratic and pro-West, <v Speaker>or it will be done by the international communist movement. <v Speaker>This is being proved every day. <v Speaker>[Canham] A pessimistic report from the former president of Costa Rica Jose Figueres. <v Speaker>[Figueras] We believe, and by we I mean we mean I mean the liberal parties of Latin <v Speaker>America. We believe that it can be done and it must be done. <v Speaker>The transformation of Latin Latin America has to take uh place <v Speaker>in our time. The difference is that other people want to do it in an alliance <v Speaker>with the Russians and the Chinese. And and still other people, the oligarchies, do not <v Speaker>want it done at all. Thats why we are in the middle. <v Speaker>I am sure that uh the net uh balance will be much more favorable <v Speaker>for our peoples if we follow the democratic line. <v Speaker>Well, I'm not sure that we can at the present uh moment.
<v Speaker>I think that the international forces that work against us have become too strong, <v Speaker>and unless there is a concerted effort by all the Latin American republics, <v Speaker>and especially by the United States as the leader of the Western world, I don't believe <v Speaker>that we can stop the tide. Latin America, incredibly, is <v Speaker>going the side of Russia and China. <v Speaker>No matter how what few ties uh we have with them geographical, <v Speaker>historical, cultural. <v Speaker>Sounds preposterous. Well thats the way things are going I'm very sorry to report. <v Speaker>[Canham'] Most students of Latin American affairs blame the influence of colonial Spain <v Speaker>for establishment of conditions unfavorable to the flowering of democracy. <v Speaker>[Cantor] The struggle for democracy in Latin Americans very complicated by the fact <v Speaker>that Latin America as a whole has never gotten over <v Speaker>the inheritance of the colonial period in its history. <v Speaker>[Canham] Harry Cantor is a political scientist at the University of Florida who taught <v Speaker>the past academic year in San Jose, Costa Rica.
<v Speaker>[Cantor] Unfortunately for Latin America, when the Spaniards came to the area, they <v Speaker>overcame the military opposition of the indians <v Speaker>and set up a society in which a small group <v Speaker>of basically Spaniards ruled a vast mass of indians <v Speaker>through the generations in the centuries have passed since then. <v Speaker>This idea that a small group, an aristocracy, <v Speaker>is entitled to dominate the political, social, economic and religious life <v Speaker>of the people has so permeated certain sections of society <v Speaker>that democracy has had a very, very hard struggle to become established. <v Speaker>[Canham] Latin American scholars are quick to point out a relationship in certain <v Speaker>countries between the rate of illiteracy and the existence of dictatorships. <v Speaker>Director of Hispanic Studies at Stanford University, Ronald Hilton, raised <v Speaker>this point at the 10th conference on the Caribbean.
<v Speaker>[Hilton] And there's rela a relationship between literacy and dictatorship. <v Speaker>The struggle going on today in Latin America between dictatorship and democracy <v Speaker>is closely related to the problem of literacy <v Speaker>and it's not surprising to find that uh the countries where you find <v Speaker>dictatorships are precisely the countries where you find illiteracy. <v Speaker>I wouldn't suggest that literacy immediately brings democracy. <v Speaker>There isn't that kind of a correlation, but there is the other correlation. <v Speaker>I I'm more or less convinced. <v Speaker>[Cantor] Permanent Secretary of the Superior Council on Education at the University of <v Speaker>Puerto Rico Ismael Rodriguez Bo elaborates. <v Speaker>[Bo] Dictatorships in our part of the world are notorious <v Speaker>for the meagerness of their budgets for education and <v Speaker>the lavishness of their expenditures for instruments of war and oppression. <v Speaker>I asked the commanding general of a military establishment, why
<v Speaker>almost all the soldiers were illiterates? <v Speaker>His answer was prompt. <v Speaker>When want soldiers we go to the rural areas and recruit <v Speaker>them. The more illiterate and un unpolished <v Speaker>the better. When we order them to shoot, they <v Speaker>fire without questioning. <v Speaker>Fortunately, these dictatorship is over by now. <v Speaker>All those as brutal are still on the saddle. <v Speaker>Few things have hurt the relationship between <v Speaker>the United States and Latin America more than the diplomatic <v Speaker>warm hand to dictators and the cold hand <v Speaker>to leave it on Democratic leaders.[speech fades] <v Speaker>[Smathers] Well, first thing, I don't think that this government is any position to be <v Speaker>criticized because we have not broken off relationships with some of these dictatorships.
<v Speaker>[Canham] Florida's junior senator George Smathers. <v Speaker>[Smathers] I think it's unrealistic, dreamy, visionary and completely <v Speaker>impractical for a lot of people who'ave , dreamy people <v Speaker>who get the idea that you can have the kind of a democracy in Haiti that <v Speaker>we have in Florida, when you stop to remember that the per capita income in Haiti today <v Speaker>is less than forty seven dollars per year per person. <v Speaker>The illiteracy rate is 87 percent of the people. <v Speaker>Now, Duvalier does not run a dictatorship, but eh you have to have a strong <v Speaker>man because you just cannot operate a government [dog bark] on a democratic basis <v Speaker>that you have a high level of education. <v Speaker>So I think it's a matter of being realistic. <v Speaker>What are the facts? And the facts are that uh that they are making progress <v Speaker>in Nicaragua. The facts are that Stroessner in Paraguay, I presume is making progress <v Speaker>there. I've never been in that country. I don't know him, but I hear that most of his <v Speaker>people are of direct indian descent, that they are uneducated,
<v Speaker>that they have not had any opportunity. And he's trying to bring about a slowly <v Speaker>developing economy for them and give them more opportunities than they have previously <v Speaker>had. <v Speaker>[Dubois] This is Jules Dubois, Latin American correspondent of the Chicago Tribune. <v Speaker>Well, Senator Smathers has a right to his opinion, no matter how erroneous it may be uh, <v Speaker>I do not uh agree with him that Stroessner, for example, <v Speaker>is a necessary evil because of illiteracy in uh Paraguay. <v Speaker>Uh Senator Smathers probably overlooks the fact that there are 400,000 <v Speaker>Paraguayans in exile across the river in Bueno in Argentina. <v Speaker>And a large number of them in Buenos Aires. <v Speaker>And they surely are not illiterates. <v Speaker>The same holds true ah in other places. <v Speaker>Haiti, for example, Duvalier is not a necessary evil <v Speaker>because of the illiteracy of the Haitian people. <v Speaker>The Haitian people have lived good lives, better lives
<v Speaker>under better government. <v Speaker>[Canham] If indeed a country's illiteracy rate is a strong indicator of the prevalence of <v Speaker>a dictatorship, then Paraguay fits the formula. <v Speaker>Illiteracy among the people, mostly indians or mixed bloods, hovers around 80 percent <v Speaker>in a country where political democracy has been virtually unknown. <v Speaker>Conditions in Paraguay in recent years have been an open invitation to the <v Speaker>military to take over the reins of government. <v Speaker>This has been done in the traditional pattern of caciquismo, bossism, <v Speaker>the rule of a military backed strongman. <v Speaker>A Paraguayan of part German descent, <v Speaker>General Alfredo Stroessner, is such a strong man. <v Speaker>He seized power in 1954 with the aid of the army garrison in Asuncion, <v Speaker>the capital. Despite growing opposition from all sides he has ruled firmly <v Speaker>ever since. What are conditions like in Paraguay under Stroessner's regime? <v Speaker>Recorded somewhere in Central America, an exile from Paraguay,
<v Speaker>one of hundreds of thousands who have fled the regime of General Alfredo <v Speaker>Stroessner, [Paraguayan exile] the concentration camp in Paraguay, are one in the <v Speaker>Chaco jungle and then one in Isla Margarita. <v Speaker>Its a concentration camp for <v Speaker>militaro an political. And one between Asuncion, eh Asuncion is <v Speaker>the capital. <v Speaker>You see Tacumbu is its name. <v Speaker>The situation in the concentration camp is terrible.They <v Speaker>they have eh forced labor. <v Speaker>Then they they give physical punishment. <v Speaker>Well this is the real situation in Paraguay. <v Speaker>I think that the United States and Bolsaro <v Speaker>they he can know, can investigate. <v Speaker>But maybe can inform directly to the <v Speaker>State Department. Well, I don't know if possible to.
<v Speaker>[sound of child crying and people speaking] Paraguay, we have 1,000,000 <v Speaker>and 500,000 <v Speaker>this is the population in Paraguay and outside Paraguay we <v Speaker>have 400,000 people <v Speaker>in exhile eh ,how you say, exhile, in Argentina. <v Speaker>400,000. This is the real situation in Paraguay. <v Speaker>[Canham] The often wide divergence between the principles of constitutional democracy <v Speaker>and the day to day practice of this most sophisticated of all forms of government <v Speaker>has resulted in a certain cynicism in Latin America as well as in this country. <v Speaker>In all fairness, the Latinos, if one reads their constitutions, are committed in theory <v Speaker>to democracy. And besides, the road to true democracy has never <v Speaker>been known to be a smooth one. Disaster may lie just around the next bend. <v Speaker>Despite all obstacles, however, democratic forces in Latin America do drive
<v Speaker>forward. A case in point is Colombia. <v Speaker>Here is a country that within the past decade has put to an end a disastrous bloody <v Speaker>civil war, has overthrown a dictator, restored order for the most part, <v Speaker>and is leading the people toward the goal of fuller constitutional democracy. <v Speaker>Storm clouds, however, are gathering over the republic. <v Speaker>The next presidential election could lead to a crisis for democracy and the <v Speaker>collapse of the National Front. <v Speaker>President Alberto Illeras Camargo presides over a unique coalition government. <v Speaker>A strange, precarious alliance of the two traditional political parties, the <v Speaker>Conservatives and the Liberals.[Sound clip of Liberal Party leader of Colombia speaking in Spanish] <v Speaker>[in Spanish] <v Speaker>[in Spanish] [Canham narrates over speach] A leader of the Liberal Party of Colombia, <v Speaker>?Jaman Zea?, now at the United Nations, explains how this unique experiment <v Speaker>in bipartisan government came about.
<v Speaker>[Zea speach in Spanish] [English translator for Zea] The reason for this eh the <v Speaker>getting together of the parties was first of on to ease the political <v Speaker>tension and political strife which had become acute, but also to get together <v Speaker>all of the best brains of the country and get them to put aside for a moment <v Speaker>the extremes of their political positions and reach <v Speaker>agreement on the basic questions facing the country. <v Speaker>Eh the Liberal Party eh took a major part <v Speaker>in the preparation of this agreement. Eh the now president <v Speaker>Lleras <v Speaker>,although he had been head of the Liberal Party, has fulfilled the pact eh most <v Speaker>faithfully. The Liberal Party today supports this government of national unity. <v Speaker>But there is a small group within the Liberals who <v Speaker>do not agree a particularly in relation to the alternation <v Speaker>of the presidency.
<v Speaker>This minority holds that the people should be free to choose the president that they <v Speaker>want without regard to party and not be obliged to to <v Speaker>choose first a liberal and then a conservative, and so on. <v Speaker>[Canham] One of the liberals who does not want to see the principle of alternation <v Speaker>between the parties continue and is not willing to have the presidency automatically <v Speaker>revert in 1962 to the Conservatives is the son of a former Colombian <v Speaker>president. Dr. Alfonso Lopez Michelsen represents a new <v Speaker>breed of Latin American politician. <v Speaker>A man of wealth who, contrary to his background, champions left tinged causes. <v Speaker>Some observers see in Doctor Lopez Michelsen, a demagog who seeks to gain <v Speaker>politically if and when he can topple the National Front. <v Speaker>In turn, he sees himself as representing a group who regard this <v Speaker>alternation of parties as a negation of democracy. <v Speaker>This absence of a real choice at the ballot box and the turning over of the presidency <v Speaker>to the Conservatives, Lopez told American newsmen, may cause the extreme left
<v Speaker>to turn to violence. <v Speaker>[Michelsen] I very much fear that in the long run this system, <v Speaker>if it works out, will cause a crisis in <v Speaker>the very first year of the next president.[car horns in background] I mean, <v Speaker>I believe that if we go back to the democratic <v Speaker>procedures and uh we let those who <v Speaker>are in favor of Castro, frankly, in favor of Castro uh, <v Speaker>seek the vote on their own ground <v Speaker>I believe that the Castro threat would eh would disappear.[coughs] <v Speaker>But if there is no room for them in the democratic <v Speaker>life of Colombia I very much fear that violence <v Speaker>is going to increase. <v Speaker>[Canham] One of the alternatives facing Colombia if the coalition fails, would be the
<v Speaker>return of a totalitarian movement. <v Speaker>In August 1962, liberal president Lleras Camargo will step down and <v Speaker>a conservative will take over. <v Speaker>Whether this can be accomplished smoothly and peacefully is the test. <v Speaker>Meantime, democracy hangs in the balance in Colombia. <v Speaker>Observers who are optimistic over the struggle for democracy in Latin America are quick <v Speaker>to point to the impressive string of dictators who have been toppled since the end <v Speaker>of World War 2. Vargas in Brazil, Peron in Argentina, <v Speaker>Odria in Peru, Rojas Pinilla in Colombia, <v Speaker>Perez Jimenez in Venezuela, Battista in Cuba. <v Speaker>And this year saw all the 31 year old dictatorship of Generalissimo Trujillo of <v Speaker>the Dominican Republic end in a blaze of machine gunfire. <v Speaker>We still must see, of course, whether his son carries out promises of free elections by <v Speaker>May of 1962. <v Speaker>Thus, only a few old style dictators still survive in Latin America. <v Speaker>The Somoza brothers in Nicaragua, Stroessner in Paraguay and Duvalier
<v Speaker>in Haiti. <v Speaker>The last days of the Batista dictatorship in Cuba rank among the most cruel and <v Speaker>violent of 20th century tyrants in Latin America save, perhaps Trujillo and Perez <v Speaker>Jimenez. And so it was natural that Cuban people welcomed <v Speaker>the bearded liberators who came down from the Sierra Maestra. <v Speaker>The overthrow of the Batista regime may be regarded as unique in the annals of revolution <v Speaker>in Latin America. It was one of the few times that a force of armed civilians has <v Speaker>defeated a tyrant whose power rested upon a well-equipped army. <v Speaker>Thus, at its start, the Castro revolution appeared to represent a real <v Speaker>victory for democracy in Latin America. <v Speaker>Later came the sad awakening.[Casuso] In September <v Speaker>of 1959 I came to New York <v Speaker>to represent Cuba as delegate to the United Nations, when <v Speaker>keeping my rank of ambassador.
<v Speaker>From time to time during uh the [car horns in background] year I <v Speaker>went several times to Cuba and I <v Speaker>saw how things were changing from <v Speaker>worse to worst. <v Speaker>[Canham] Dr. Teresa Casuso, a former Castro diplomat, one of about 100,000 <v Speaker>Cubans living in the United States in self-imposed exile. <v Speaker>[Casuso] There was no press freedom. The prisons was were filled with <v Speaker>prisoners. <v Speaker>Everything I have defended I had spoken <v Speaker>in universities in a trip I took all over South America. <v Speaker>Everything was torn to pieces and had become a monstrous, <v Speaker>monstrous lie. <v Speaker>[Canham] Shortly after the abortive invasion of Cuba by a small army of exiles equipped <v Speaker>and aided by the United States, Castro described his regime in Cuba
<v Speaker>as socialist in the Soviet sense of the word. <v Speaker>Almost immediately after Castro came to power, tough, zealous, well-paid Castro <v Speaker>agents began operations in almost all of Latin America. <v Speaker>Their aim by fomenting riots, labor disputes, spreading communist propaganda, <v Speaker>to soften up other countries for takeover by Castro type governments. <v Speaker>[Whitaker] I regard Fidelismo as more dangerous than communism <v Speaker>to the interests of the United States in Latin America. <v Speaker>For Fidelismo is the most clear cut expression we have had <v Speaker>of the rising tide of continental nationalism, <v Speaker>cum populism, a bland made all the more pleasing <v Speaker>to many Latin American palates by strong flavor <v Speaker>of anti-imperialism and Yankee phobia, <v Speaker>which have flourished again in those countries since the
<v Speaker>passing of Franklin Roosevelt and his good neighbor policy. <v Speaker>[Canham] One of the foremost historians of Latin America, University of Pennsylvania <v Speaker>Professor Arthur P. Whitaker. [Whitaker] Fidelismo <v Speaker> has already aroused a highly favorable response in many Latin American <v Speaker>countries, despite the handicap of its communist <v Speaker>ties. But I am convinced that the response would be even <v Speaker>more favorable if Fidelismo could divest itself of <v Speaker>this communist association, which offends the ingrained, <v Speaker>almost instinctive Continentalism, or Latin Americanism, <v Speaker>felt by most of the people of the countries to the south of us. <v Speaker>[Canham] Professor Whitaker sees the democratic system of the United States on trial in <v Speaker>Latin America, particularly in countries where we have poured in large amounts of money <v Speaker>to bail the government out of financial and political troubles.
<v Speaker>Bolivia is such a country. <v Speaker>[Whitaker] Despite a substantial and steady flow of aid from the United States, <v Speaker>Bolivia is nevertheless today on the verge of bankruptcy. <v Speaker>The ill success of our experiment in Bolivia <v Speaker>has fed skepticism in Latin America <v Speaker>about the viability there of the whole system, <v Speaker>both economic and political, represented by the United States. <v Speaker>This skepticism, in turn, has rendered Latin Americans more responsive <v Speaker>to one of the two main features of Fidel Castro's <v Speaker>type of nationalism, namely its exaltation <v Speaker>of the authoritarian nation state which sacrifices <v Speaker>freedom to force draft economic development <v Speaker>and social reform.
<v Speaker>[Canham] Castro, as well as the communists, consider members of the Democratic left as <v Speaker>bitter enemies. One has only to look at Venezuela to see a prime example. <v Speaker>There the extreme left has joined with the extreme right in an attempt to topple <v Speaker>the left of center government of President Romulo Betancourt. <v Speaker>A student of the Liberal Party movement in Latin America, <v Speaker>Dr. Harry Cantor, believes the popular Democratic parties are stealing <v Speaker>the communists thunder. <v Speaker>[Cantor] One thing about the communist movement is agreed to by everybody was <v Speaker>studied and that is that the communist movement has spent a tremendous <v Speaker>amount of money in Latin America. <v Speaker>For this, they have gotten very little results. <v Speaker>The reason that the Communist Party has not had too much success is because <v Speaker>in most of the countries of Latin America, indigenous reformist movements <v Speaker>have sprung up, which have managed to win the support of
<v Speaker>the majority of the population. <v Speaker>Now the Communist Party who whose slogan is that it has <v Speaker>a monopoly on reform, never admits that any other reformist <v Speaker>movement can be on the right track. <v Speaker>And therefore, in those countries where the strong reformist movements have sprung up, <v Speaker>the communists have allied themselves with the most conservative and <v Speaker>reactionary forces in society in an attempt to gain a foothold amongst <v Speaker>the masses. ?inaudible? democratic of Venezuela. <v Speaker>The National Liberation Party of Costa Rica. <v Speaker>The Priest Movement of Peru. <v Speaker>These groups have tried to combine <v Speaker>the ideas of European democratic socialism <v Speaker>with ideas about what America or <v Speaker>Latin America needs to create something new in political <v Speaker>ideology. And with the years they have seemed to grow stronger and
<v Speaker>stronger in all of Latin America. <v Speaker>[Canham] One of the bright spots in the struggle for democracy in Latin America is <v Speaker>located some 15 kilometers outside of San Jose, Costa Rica. <v Speaker>There in a building formerly occupied by a nightclub and restaurant is what has come <v Speaker>to be known as a school for democracy. <v Speaker>[Figueras] The liberal parties of Latin America, with some uh eh U.S. <v Speaker>friends, have founded in Costa Rica a school for training young <v Speaker>political leaders and young labor leaders on the Democratic uh camp. <v Speaker>It is a belated effort, but very much eh needed. <v Speaker>One of the school's founders, Jose Figueres.[Figueras] We <v Speaker>expect to have uh 3 groups of 50 boys from all countries uh living <v Speaker>together for 90 days on their intensive course, on democracy, on history, <v Speaker>on economics, on uh political organization and on the democratic uh <v Speaker>labor movement. We hope to enlarge as a school as
<v Speaker>uh we get more funds. We will enlarge the groups. <v Speaker>These boys from many countries will become an international fraternity of <v Speaker>uh democracy. The fact that they living together, working together during 90 <v Speaker>days on the good sound uh uh teachers uh seems to <v Speaker>start a very interesting and vigorous movement for the future. <v Speaker>I'm sorry we began so late, but at least we have already started. <v Speaker>The first cause is already working. <v Speaker>[Canham] The struggle for democracy in Latin America is not over. <v Speaker>Only a few dictatorships remain. <v Speaker>However, the picture has been complicated by the introduction of the cult of Fidel <v Speaker>Castro, Fidelismo, and by communist inroads. <v Speaker>The success of the struggle depends on whether this hemisphere can muster the courage, <v Speaker>the spunk, as well as the spiritual strength to meet the new challenge. <v Speaker>In any event, the United States must lead the way. <v Speaker>Former foreign minister of Costa Rica Gonzalo Facio sums up the role of the United
<v Speaker>States in the struggle for democracy in Latin America. <v Speaker>[Facio] The countries that believe in freedom expect the United <v Speaker>States to lead. <v Speaker>In the past, the United States didn't exercise at all that <v Speaker>leadership. That created a great disappointment. <v Speaker>I think that if the trend that has begin to <v Speaker>take a form during the last year <v Speaker>and that will be increased if eh President Kennedy <v Speaker>is going to live up to what he promised in the campaign, <v Speaker>we will have a real strong democratic leadership, and that <v Speaker>will be one of the best things to do to <v Speaker>improve United States Latin American relation. <v Speaker>[Canham] For the past half hour <v Speaker>we've been reporting on the struggle for democracy, a part of the Contemporary
<v Speaker>Revolution in Latin America.[Latin music plays] <v Speaker>[Outro announcer] The Struggle for Democracy is the third in a series of weekly <v Speaker>documentary reports on the Contemporary Revolution in Latin America. <v Speaker>The program is narrated by the distinguished American journalist and editor of the <v Speaker>Christian Science Monitor, Erwin D. <v Speaker>Canham. The series is produced in cooperation with the University of Florida <v Speaker>School of Inter-American Study. <v Speaker>[Latin music continues] <v Speaker>[Outro announcer] You may receive without charge the text of today's program by writing <v Speaker>this station. This program was prepared and recorded by Will Lewis
<v Speaker>for Radio Center School of Journalism and Communications, University <v Speaker>of Florida, Gainesville. <v Speaker>Under a grant from the National Educational Television and Radio Center and is being <v Speaker>distributed by the National Association of Educational Broadcasters. <v Speaker>This is the NAEB radio network.
Contemporary revolution in Latin America
Struggle for democracy
Producing Organization
University of Florida
Contributing Organization
University of Maryland (College Park, Maryland)
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia)
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Episode Description
This program discusses the challenges facing the developing democracies in Latin America.
Series Description
A documentary series on problems facing Latin America, including panel discussions at program conclusion. The series is hosted by Erwin Canham, editor at the Christian Science Monitor.
Broadcast Date
Global Affairs
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Host: Canham, Erwin D. (Erwin Dain), 1904-1982
Interviewee: Dubois, Jules, 1910-
Interviewee: Kantor, Harry
Interviewee: Hilton, Ronald, 1911-2007
Interviewee: Rodri_guez Bou, Ismael
Interviewee: Smathers, George A. (George Armistead), 1913-2007
Interviewee: Lleras Camargo, Alberto, 1906-1990
Producing Organization: University of Florida
Speaker: Figueres Ferrer, Jose_, 1906-1990
AAPB Contributor Holdings
University of Maryland
Identifier: 61-54-3 (National Association of Educational Broadcasters)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
Duration: 00:29:11
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia
Identifier: 61008prr-3-arch (Peabody Object Identifier)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
Duration: 0:29:30
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Chicago: “Contemporary revolution in Latin America; Struggle for democracy,” 1961-09-26, University of Maryland, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed May 19, 2024,
MLA: “Contemporary revolution in Latin America; Struggle for democracy.” 1961-09-26. University of Maryland, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. May 19, 2024. <>.
APA: Contemporary revolution in Latin America; Struggle for democracy. Boston, MA: University of Maryland, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from