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<v Announcer>The following program is produced by the University of Florida's School of Journalism <v Announcer>and Communications under a grant from the National Educational Television <v Announcer>and Radio Center in cooperation with the National Association of <v Announcer>Educational Broadcasters. <v Music>[Upbeat Latin guitar music plays] <v Announcer>[Music continues in the background] The University of Florida presents: the United States <v Announcer>and Latin America part 1, the 10th in a series of recorded documentary <v Announcer>reports on the contemporary revolution in Latin America. <v Announcer>Your reporter is the distinguished American journalist and editor of the Christian <v Announcer>Science Monitor, Erwin D. <v Announcer>Canham. <v Erwin D. Canham>In today's world, the need for the United States to maintain favorable relations <v Erwin D. Canham>with the 20 Latin American republics is never seriously challenged. <v Erwin D. Canham>In trade and investment, Latin America stands head and shoulders above the rest of the
<v Erwin D. Canham>world in importance to the United States. <v Erwin D. Canham>Two way trade reaches over 8 billion dollars annually. <v Erwin D. Canham>American private investment has passed the 9 billion dollar mark. <v Erwin D. Canham>While our government has invested more than two and one half billions in this region. <v Erwin D. Canham>But perhaps of even more significance is the strategic value of Latin America <v Erwin D. Canham>in the Cold War. <v Erwin D. Canham>Herbert L. Matthews of The New York Times had described this region as <v Erwin D. Canham>"a world at our doorstep" on which, to a considerable degree, we depend <v Erwin D. Canham>for our existence as a world power. <v Erwin D. Canham>"If we were deprived of the raw materials of the area or its markets," continues <v Erwin D. Canham>Mathew's, "our economy and our security would be gravely, perhaps <v Erwin D. Canham>vitally affected." Matthews warns us it is <v Erwin D. Canham>an area where no hostile power can be allowed to gain a foothold for strategically. <v Erwin D. Canham>This is our soft underbelly. <v Erwin D. Canham>The biting criticism and the anti-Yankee-ism leveled by Latin Americans
<v Erwin D. Canham>at the United States, as reported in almost every day's press, is certainly not a new <v Erwin D. Canham>development in our long search for a workable Latin American policy. <v Erwin D. Canham>Indeed, Latin Americans have viewed the United States as a colossus of the North <v Erwin D. Canham>for more than a century and a half. <v Erwin D. Canham>Throughout most of the 19th century and well into the 20th century, much <v Erwin D. Canham>of Latin American literature, including poetry, has been directed against the United <v Erwin D. Canham>States and its policies. Surprisingly enough, however, our relations with Latin <v Erwin D. Canham>America got off to a fairly good start. <v Erwin D. Canham>The United States was the first outside nation to recognize these newly established <v Erwin D. Canham>republics as they fought for and won their independence from Spain, Portugal, <v Erwin D. Canham>and France. The United States, a very young nation, still struggling to maintain <v Erwin D. Canham>its newly won independence, very quickly discovered the strategic importance of this <v Erwin D. Canham>region to its security. In December 1823, we <v Erwin D. Canham>issued a foreign policy statement that has since become known as the Monroe Doctrine.
<v Erwin D. Canham>It was conceived by then Secretary of State John Quincy Adams and delivered as part of <v Erwin D. Canham>President James Monroe's message to Congress. <v Erwin D. Canham>The essence of the doctrine is contained in this one sentence directed toward European <v Erwin D. Canham>powers: <v Unknown Man>"We owe it therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between <v Unknown Man>the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt <v Unknown Man>on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere <v Unknown Man>as dangerous to our peace and security." <v Erwin D. Canham>The initial reaction of Latin America to the Monroe Doctrine was anything but favorable. <v Erwin D. Canham>Many students of hemispheric affairs see in the doctrine one of the first stumbling <v Erwin D. Canham>blocks in our historically troubled relations with Latin America. <v Unknown Man 2>When the Monroe Doctrine was proclaimed in 1823, there was <v Unknown Man 2>comments all over the Western Hemisphere, as well as all over the world, of course, <v Unknown Man 2>about what our objectives were.
<v Unknown Man 2>And, uh, it didn't take the Latin Americans long to realize that, um, we <v Unknown Man 2>were trying to do something that they, um, didn't quite understand, and, uh, it made <v Unknown Man 2>them suspicious of us immediately, and, uh, the Monroe Doctrine has <v Unknown Man 2>tended to make them, uh, continue in their suspicion of us over the years. <v Erwin D. Canham>Director of the University of Florida School of Inter-American Studies, Dr. A. <v Erwin D. Canham>Curtis Wilgus, discussed the early effects of the Monroe Doctrine with a faculty <v Erwin D. Canham>member. <v Dr. A. Curtis Wilgus>I think when Dr. Worcester, you as professor <v Dr. A. Curtis Wilgus>of history, have a number of comments to make <v Dr. A. Curtis Wilgus>on-on this early period in the 19th century because it was such a critical period. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>Well, Dr. Wilgus, I think, uh, in part, the reaction, the initial reaction <v Dr. Donald Worcester>against the Monroe Doctrine was, uh, based upon disappointment. <v Erwin D. Canham>Dr. Donald Worcester, editor of the Hispanic American Historical Review. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>During the Latin American Wars of Independence, the Latin Americans
<v Dr. Donald Worcester>anticipated and hoped for substantial aid <v Dr. Donald Worcester>from the United States, but no official aid was forthcoming. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>It's true that men like Henry Clay spoke strongly <v Dr. Donald Worcester>in favor of assisting Latin America and statues of him have appeared <v Dr. Donald Worcester>in various of the Latin American countries, but the United States was not in <v Dr. Donald Worcester>a position to help anyone, militarily or economically. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>Basically, this was an attempt to guarantee the security <v Dr. Donald Worcester>of the United States and nothing more. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>It was a unilateral doctrine, as is the case with <v Dr. Donald Worcester>most of the major aspects of any nation's foreign policy. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>Later on, later presidents, uh, interpreted the Monroe <v Dr. Donald Worcester>Doctrine in manners to make it possible <v Dr. Donald Worcester>for-for them to carry out policies which <v Dr. Donald Worcester>may not have, uh, affected directly Western Hemisphere
<v Dr. Donald Worcester>security. <v Announcer>One of those later presidents with a new interpretation for the Monroe Doctrine was <v Announcer>Theodore Roosevelt. His Roosevelt Corollary ushered in an age of <v Announcer>protective imperialism and dollar diplomacy. <v Robert Bradbury>One of the things that we insisted on at that <v Robert Bradbury>time was pretty much the sanctity of American investments. <v Erwin D. Canham>Professor of Latin American economics at the University of Florida, Robert Bradbury, <v Erwin D. Canham>explains the meaning of the Roosevelt Corollary. <v Robert Bradbury>And one of the modifications of the Monroe Doctrine was the <v Robert Bradbury>Roosevelt Corollary that, um, if we <v Robert Bradbury>said under the Monroe Doctrine that a European nation could not intervene <v Robert Bradbury>in Latin American affairs, we were morally responsible to be the collecting agency <v Robert Bradbury>for bad debts, uh, where a Latin American nation <v Robert Bradbury>refused to pay. This led, uh, in the 20th century
<v Robert Bradbury>to our sending marines into Central American republics and into, <v Robert Bradbury>um, Haiti and Santo Domingo in order to collect <v Robert Bradbury>debts. Also, this increase in our <v Robert Bradbury>economic interest in Latin America, and as a result <v Robert Bradbury>of the war with Spain, our acquisition of <v Robert Bradbury>territories overseas force- uh, caused us to be interested <v Robert Bradbury>in the construction of the Panama Canal. <v Erwin D. Canham>The Panama Canal episode is unanimously agreed upon in both North and South America <v Erwin D. Canham>as one of the truly black pages in American history. <v Erwin D. Canham>There is no doubt that the United States intervened in the Panamanian revolt against <v Erwin D. Canham>Colombia, that we prevented Colombian troops from landing there. <v Erwin D. Canham>Dr. Worcester comments on Theodore Roosevelt's role. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>Hasty Teddy said that it was his policy to speak softly <v Dr. Donald Worcester>or walk softly and carry a big stick.
<v Dr. Donald Worcester>And, uh, this sounded amusing at first, but, uh, the- <v Dr. Donald Worcester>after the Panama affair, it was no longer amusing. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>The treaty we signed with Panama after Panamanian independence was probably <v Dr. Donald Worcester>the most rapid action of this sort ever taken by the United States. <v Dr. Donald Worcester>And this is one of the things which, uh, caused some eyebrows <v Dr. Donald Worcester>to be raised with regard to our-our part in the whole affair. <v Erwin D. Canham>It has been written that our intervention in Panama, what with our diplomatic, legal, <v Erwin D. Canham>and financial manipulations, is something that most Americans wish <v Erwin D. Canham>they could forget--without, of course, losing the canal. <v Erwin D. Canham>This episode, as well as other interventions in Mexico, Cuba, Haiti, Dominican Republic, <v Erwin D. Canham>and Nicaragua have left a legacy of mistrust that still exists <v Erwin D. Canham>in Latin America. <v Erwin D. Canham>By the 1920s, this kind of imperialism did not sit comfortably with the American people. <v Erwin D. Canham>Besides, we had emerged as a stronger nation after World War I, and a sense
<v Erwin D. Canham>of security came over the nation. <v Erwin D. Canham>The Kellogg-Briand pact in 1928 outlawing war <v Erwin D. Canham>remove the po- at least designed to outlaw war, removed the possibility of European <v Erwin D. Canham>intervention in Latin America on paper. <v Erwin D. Canham>And so the stage was set for the good neighbor policy. <v Erwin D. Canham>Franklin Delano Roosevelt was not the first American statesman to use this famous phrase. <v Erwin D. Canham>Over a century before, Secretary of State Henry Clay had used it to describe his Latin <v Erwin D. Canham>American policy. President Lincoln used the phrase "good neighborhood" in a message <v Erwin D. Canham>to the Senate in 1862. <v Erwin D. Canham>President-elect Herbert Hoover, in a goodwill tour through Latin America, promised the <v Erwin D. Canham>Latins that his administration would act as a good neighbor. <v Erwin D. Canham>But it remained for FDR to give the phrase eloquence as well <v Erwin D. Canham>as application. <v Franklin Delano Roosevelt>In the field of world politics, I would dedicate this nation to the policy <v Franklin Delano Roosevelt>of the good neighbor.
<v Franklin Delano Roosevelt>The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does <v Franklin Delano Roosevelt>so, respects the right of others. <v Franklin Delano Roosevelt>The neighbor who respects his obligations and <v Franklin Delano Roosevelt>respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. [Polite applause] <v Jules Dubois>This is Jules Dubois, Latin American correspondent of the Chicago Tribune. <v Jules Dubois>Uh, the Good Neighbor policy, uh, did bring a smile and communication to <v Jules Dubois>Latin America, the famous FDR smile and his <v Jules Dubois>communication; he talked to them regularly and sent emissaries around them. <v Jules Dubois>But the precursor to that Good Neighbor policy was Herbert Hoover. <v Jules Dubois>He's the one who started it rolling, and FDR in his inaugural address <v Jules Dubois>gave it a name and impetus. <v Jules Dubois>Latin Americans love slogans. <v Jules Dubois>They buy slogans as easily as they buy lottery tickets.
<v Jules Dubois>And if we can promote a good slogan and back it up with some effective <v Jules Dubois>measures, then we've got it made. <v Erwin D. Canham>World War II had ended, and as far as Latin America was concerned, so had the good <v Erwin D. Canham>neighbor policy for before a long Cold War and the Marshall Plan established <v Erwin D. Canham>a new focus for United States policy. <v Erwin D. Canham>Faced with the immediate danger of the economic and political collapse of Western Europe, <v Erwin D. Canham>the United States responded in 1948 with the introduction of the Marshall Plan. <v Erwin D. Canham>This massive aid program excluded our southern neighbors. <v Erwin D. Canham>Consequently, Latin American dreams of a continuing wartime industrial boom <v Erwin D. Canham>and prosperity were cruelly shattered. <v Erwin D. Canham>One of the most consistent complaints heard in Latin America. <v Spanish speaking commentator>[Creo que confiamos que la próxima administración norteamericana (crosstalk throughout the simultaneous translation)]. <v Erwin D. Canham>Is that ever since V-J Day, this region has been neglected by <v Erwin D. Canham>Washington. <v Erwin D. Canham>A Colombian businessman and former diplomat described <v Erwin D. Canham>as linked to a group like American newsmen and tells of Colombia's hope for
<v Erwin D. Canham>the future. <v Spanish speaking commentator>[Considerando que los paises latinoamericanos son también <v Spanish speaking commentator>importantes para los Estados Unidos]. <v Translator>They hope and they believe- <v Spanish speaking commentator>[y que no solo ayuda ?inaudible? gana ?inaudible? los paises Europa y los paises cercano, lejano, oriente ?inaudible?]. <v Translator>that the new administration <v Translator>will integrate the American economy <v Translator>in terms of recognizing that the Latin American countries <v Translator>are also very important for the United States, and that <v Translator>consequently-. <v Spanish speaking commentator>[Nosotros a través de nuestra historia ?inaudible? de los Estados Unidos y nos molesta ver los programas de auxilio siempre ?inaudible? siempre ocupados ?inaudible? auxilio y <v Spanish speaking commentator>sobre todo ?inaudible? avión siempre ocupado.] <v Translator>they will not concentrate help as has been done in the past on the countries <v Translator>of Europe and the East, on those countries out in the communist <v Translator>orbit in those areas but will recognized that <v Translator>the Latin Americans and particularly the Colombians have been faithful <v Translator>friends and allies and feel <v Translator>very bad about having been in the last place in relation to programs
<v Translator>not only of help but of mutual cooperation, in terms <v Translator>of global defense. <v Erwin D. Canham>Certainly the dissatisfaction with the United States policies in Latin America has been <v Erwin D. Canham>deeply rooted in economics. <v Erwin D. Canham>The postwar world had created new problems for our sister republics. <v Erwin D. Canham>During the war, because of the United States' is great need for their raw materials and <v Erwin D. Canham>the unavailability of many imports from other parts of the world, Latin America <v Erwin D. Canham>accumulated almost 4.5 billion dollars in gold and foreign <v Erwin D. Canham>exchange holdings. <v Erwin D. Canham>Then, in the wake of postwar inflation, the Latin American nations stood helplessly <v Erwin D. Canham>by as the purchasing power of their dollar reserves dwindled. <v Erwin D. Canham>The Truman administration removed domestic price ceilings. <v Erwin D. Canham>The price of many products which the Latin Americans needed rose sharply. <v Erwin D. Canham>Studies show that Peru, for example, was forced to pay more than twice as much for <v Erwin D. Canham>household appliances, automobiles, and radios as it previously paid before
<v Erwin D. Canham>the war. <v Erwin D. Canham>In addition, Latin Americans somehow felt the United States responsible for the chronic <v Erwin D. Canham>fluctuations in the prices paid for their own basic export products: coffee, <v Erwin D. Canham>metals, cotton, bananas. <v Erwin D. Canham>Technically known as the instability of commodity prices, this condition has <v Erwin D. Canham>non-technical effects that the entire population feels: the pinching of the <v Erwin D. Canham>pocketbook, the tightening of the trouser belt. <v Erwin D. Canham>Latin Americans see themselves caught in the center of a large pair of economic scissors. <v Erwin D. Canham>One blade represents the depressed prices of their commodity products. <v Erwin D. Canham>The other blade is the steadily increasing costs of imports, mostly from the United <v Erwin D. Canham>States. The dean of a medical school near Cali, Colombia, told us of <v Erwin D. Canham>the effect on coffee growers in his country when the price of coffee on the world market <v Erwin D. Canham>dropped nearly 50 percent in less than 5 years. <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>That means that those families, those coffee growers, are recieving <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>for the same effort half of what they were receiving
<v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>5 years ago. <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>And they are importing goods from the States <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>at about 40 percent more, probably, the cost because <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>farming equipment, machinery, and all the things that we need have been <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>slowly, slowly going up in price, and our <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>money is going down. <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>So really, they- these people are receiving about <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>25 percent of what they were recieving 5 years ago <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>for the same effort. <v Dean of a Medical College Near Cali, Colomubia>That tends to create bad feelings, of course. <v Erwin D. Canham>During most of the postwar period when aid was forthcoming from the United States, it <v Erwin D. Canham>was rather likely to be military aid. <v Erwin D. Canham>This may have pleased the Latin American militarist, but it certainly built up resentment <v Erwin D. Canham>on the part of those citizens who were trying to raise their country's level of living. <v Erwin D. Canham>Men like Dr. Gabriel Velásquez, former minister of public health <v Erwin D. Canham>and past director of education in the Department of Valle in Colombia, who has this to
<v Erwin D. Canham>say. <v Speaker>Official aid in the past years, with <v Speaker>some exceptions, was for military aid. <v Speaker>A- I remember an anecdote about 4 or 5 years ago <v Speaker>while we were struggling in requesting money for <v Speaker>improving education, health, even in loans. <v Speaker>I was invited to see a demonstration of aid. <v Speaker>Oh, then you'd get that were given a very low price to our <v Speaker>government. And one of the military at the proudly came to me and <v Speaker>said, "What do you think of this beautiful jet given for such <v Speaker>a small price?" And I said, "Well, I dream of 8 universities <v Speaker>that I can build with the same amount of money." Each of those was about a million <v Speaker>dollars. <v Erwin D. Canham>United States military aid to Latin America was part of our program to arm
<v Erwin D. Canham>our friends in the struggle against communism. <v Erwin D. Canham>This had been the chief concern of our foreign policy since 1947, when President Truman <v Erwin D. Canham>said, in effect, that we would have to defend ourselves at great distances rather <v Erwin D. Canham>than waiting to meet a communist threat on our beaches. <v Erwin D. Canham>A direct result of this exclusively anti-communist policy was the support <v Erwin D. Canham>and the appearance of support which we gave to cruel, corrupt dictators <v Erwin D. Canham>by professing to be anti-communist, dictators such as Batista in Cuba, Trujillo in <v Erwin D. Canham>the Dominican Republic, Perón in Argentina, Somoza in Nicaragua, Pérez <v Erwin D. Canham>Jiménez in Venezuela. <v Erwin D. Canham>These men, despised by their people, were able to secure the favor of <v Erwin D. Canham>the United States. Even as late as December 1960, a noted Latin American <v Erwin D. Canham>advocate of democracy, José Figueres, could berate an American audience <v Erwin D. Canham>for embracing dictators. <v Jose Figueres>The United States have had too much complacency, too much, uh, <v Jose Figueres>even, uh, connivance with the regimes that were hated
<v Jose Figueres>with the people. And the United States has, uh, overlooked <v Jose Figueres>Latin America in this terrible attitude of not knowing what <v Jose Figueres>is going on. I'm not making any distinction between a democratic movement <v Jose Figueres>and a dictatorial one in not knowing who the leaders were, <v Jose Figueres>in not knowing what was going on, who wants honest, uh, reform, <v Jose Figueres>honest- an honest, uh, and democratic social movement and who is what. <v Speaker>I think that the purpose of the United States in doing this, that is maintaining <v Speaker>dictators, is to keep Latin America from communism. <v Erwin D. Canham>Mario Ariet, a Cuban exile attending the University of Florida. <v Erwin D. Canham>His is typical of student opinion throughout Latin America. <v Speaker>But I would say that that just creates resentment on the part of the <v Speaker>Latin American countries. I could cite, for instance, the example of Nicaragua, <v Speaker>where the sons of a former dictator, Somoza, are now dictators
<v Speaker>of the country. This former dictator, Somoza, was setting power by the United <v Speaker>States, and they live on a hill which is on top <v Speaker>of the city of Managua, the capital of Nicaragua. <v Speaker>And this hill is all surrounded by tanks and military force. <v Speaker>And the only other building besides the <v Speaker>residents of East, almost as is the United States embassy, which is inside <v Speaker>that military fence there. <v Speaker>So that creates an identification between the dictators which are hated by the people <v Speaker>and the United States. Naturally, when those dictators are overthrown, <v Speaker>then the natural reaction of the people is against the United States and toward <v Speaker>the only other leading country in the world, namely rush-hour <v Speaker>communism. <v Erwin D. Canham>Another factor helping to create a climate of anti-Americanism was the failure of <v Erwin D. Canham>many Latin Americans to make a distinction between American businessmen and the United
<v Erwin D. Canham>States government. A few horrible examples among the many shining ones <v Erwin D. Canham>in our business community operating in Latin America gave the United States a black eye <v Erwin D. Canham>difficult to live down. <v Speaker>In general, the ill feelings come from a mutual lack of understanding. <v Speaker>Observations from a Chilean born assistant editor of the McGraw Hill Trade Magazine. <v Speaker>Industria Sankyo gassie to a. <v Speaker>General of the Americans who are sent to Latin America. <v Speaker>Do not know the language, nor do they make much of an attempt to learn <v Speaker>it while they-they arrive there. The Americans are usually <v Speaker>sent on short, short time assignments without a proper orientation <v Speaker>program here in the United States before they go down there. <v Speaker>Investment of dollars in Brazil <v Speaker>has taken on a form which is not <v Speaker>very healthy. Criticism from one of Brazil's most successful businessmen <v Speaker>and industrialists, Antonio buying to a company could
<v Speaker>come to Brazil, especially after the Second World War, <v Speaker>when the United States is practically a monopoly on world trade and the ability to <v Speaker>deliver manufactured goods and practically <v Speaker>make the profit which it wanted make. <v Speaker>And inasmuch as the Sherman antitrust laws <v Speaker>do not go beyond the boundaries of the United States, this enables <v Speaker>certain American firms to get together <v Speaker>on the local market, as they probably did in all foreign countries, <v Speaker>and have a different set of rules for their foreign business from what they <v Speaker>had in their domestic company. <v Erwin D. Canham>A Brazilian director of Willis Overland of Brazil tells us what sort of American <v Erwin D. Canham>company his country would welcome and what kind should stay out.
<v Speaker>It is only a question of confidence and different proposal <v Speaker>coming to establish an industry and not a fly <v Speaker>by night outfit to come and make a quick profit and get the hell out. <v Erwin D. Canham>We've been listening to the nature of the resentment Latin Americans had against our <v Erwin D. Canham>foreign policy, a resentment that had been building up under both the Truman <v Erwin D. Canham>and Eisenhower administrations. <v Erwin D. Canham>These were the widespread feelings of Latin Americans in the spring of 1958, when Vice <v Erwin D. Canham>President Richard M. Nixon set off for a goodwill tour of South America. <v Erwin D. Canham>Was the State Department aware of how Latin America felt? <v Erwin D. Canham>The time: 2 months before the Nixon trip, the scene: hearing room of the <v Erwin D. Canham>Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. <v Erwin D. Canham>The questioner: Senator William Fulbright, Democrat of Arkansas: "Do you believe, <v Erwin D. Canham>Mr. Rowbottom, that there is widespread discontent in Latin America with the United <v Erwin D. Canham>States policies?" Answer from Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, <v Erwin D. Canham>Roy Rubottom: "No, sir, I do not."
<v Wells Church, News Correspondent>No one in Washington realized clearly how deep the resentment was against United States <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>policy when Vice President Richard Nixon took off on an 18 day tour <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>of Latin America this spring. <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>But it began to show early in the trip. <v Erwin D. Canham>Correspondent Wells Church, who accompanied Nixon, reporting his observations later that <v Erwin D. Canham>year over CBS Radio. <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>We noticed that in Uruguay, in Argentina, Paraguay, and Bolivia, the crowds were quite <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>cool and the Latin reporters questions sometimes hostile. <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>And in Lima, Peru, the first demonstrations broke out. <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>[Yelling in the background] The vise president was stoned and spat upon. <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>The violence reached a crescendo when Mr. Nixon arrived in Caracas, the capital of <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>Venezuela. There, the Vice President's car was rushed by the mob, which <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>was obviously led by communists and communist sympathizers. <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>They threw rocks, shattering the limousine's glass windows, and Mr. Nixon's very <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>life was in danger. And afterward, he told reporters what went through his mind
<v Wells Church, News Correspondent>at that very moment. <v Richard Nixon>My thoughts were with regard, what are you going to do in the next minute? <v Richard Nixon>The next 5 minutes? Uh, you don't think in terms of, uh, world politics <v Richard Nixon>and hemispheric problems [Audience laughs] when somebody is banging on your window. <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>The Vice President also expressed a philosophy that must guide the United States in <v Wells Church, News Correspondent>its relations with countries of Latin and South America. <v Richard Nixon>One rule we must never forget in international relations, as well as <v Richard Nixon>in political or business affairs, is that we must never take our friends <v Richard Nixon>for granted. What we must get across there, <v Richard Nixon>as well as in other parts of the world, is this very simple message <v Richard Nixon>that we, the government, the people of the United States, want for other peoples <v Richard Nixon>just what we have for ourselves: independence for our country, <v Richard Nixon>freedom for our people, and the greatest <v Richard Nixon>possibilities for economic progress that can be devised.
<v Richard Nixon>[Applause] <v Erwin D. Canham>One of the repercussions of the entire affair was a sweeping study of our <v Erwin D. Canham>relations with our neighbors to the south and a reappraisal of the aid programs we <v Erwin D. Canham>sponsor in Latin America. <v Erwin D. Canham>Some of the changes resulting from the hard look we were forced to take in ourselves as a <v Erwin D. Canham>result of the attacks on Vice President Nixon are certain to have an effect <v Erwin D. Canham>reaching long into the future. <v Erwin D. Canham>Looking at the Nixon trip with all the advantage that comes with hindsight, it's not <v Erwin D. Canham>possible to say it gave our Latin American policy a new direction. <v Erwin D. Canham>As a direct result of his jolting experience, Mr. Nixon came to a number of reasonable <v Erwin D. Canham>conclusions and policy ideas. <v Erwin D. Canham>One was a new formula for handling dictators: a cool <v Erwin D. Canham>handshake, leaving the embrace--the abrazo--for our <v Erwin D. Canham>democratic friends. <v Erwin D. Canham>Mr. Nixon believed a widespread misunderstanding of our motives existed in Latin America. <v Erwin D. Canham>He believed that our diplomats were woefully out of tune with Latin American opinion
<v Erwin D. Canham>because of too much contact with the elite, not enough contact with the political <v Erwin D. Canham>opposition, labor leaders, the people. <v Erwin D. Canham>He believed that we should try to do something about protecting these nations from wild <v Erwin D. Canham>fluctuations of prices paid for their basic export products. <v Erwin D. Canham>And finally, he believed the United States should assert its Democratic leadership more <v Erwin D. Canham>vigorously in Latin America in order to stem the tide of communism's rising appeal. <v Erwin D. Canham>Mr. Nixon felt if the trip had called attention of our government and our people <v Erwin D. Canham>to the pressing problems of Latin America, then it was well worth those agonizing <v Erwin D. Canham>moments in Caracas. <v Erwin D. Canham>Next week's program will examine the evolution of our current Latin American <v Erwin D. Canham>policy. <v Announcer>[Upbeat latin guitar music plays in the background] The United States and Latin America, <v Announcer>part 1 is the 10th in a series of weekly documentary reports on the
<v Announcer>contemporary revolution in Latin America. <v Announcer>The program is narrated by the distinguished journalist and editor of the Christian <v Announcer>Science Monitor, Erwin D Canham. <v Announcer>The series is produced in cooperation with the University of Florida School <v Announcer>of Inter-American Studies. [Music continues] <v Announcer>You may receive without charge the text of today's program by writing this station. <v Announcer>Today's report was based in part on material appearing in the publication: the United <v Announcer>States and Latin America, published by the American Assembly, Columbia <v Announcer>University. This program was prepared and recorded by Will Lewis <v Announcer>for Radio Center, School of Journalism and Communications, University <v Announcer>of Florida, Gainesville under a grant from the National Educational Television <v Announcer>and Radio Center and is being distributed by the National Association of
<v Announcer>Educational Broadcasters. <v Announcer>This is the NAEB radio network.
Contemporary revolution in Latin America
United States and Latin America, part 1
Producing Organization
University of Florida
Contributing Organization
University of Maryland (College Park, Maryland)
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia)
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Episode Description
This program, the first of two parts, explores the complicated relationship between the United States and Latin America.
Series Description
A documentary series on problems facing Latin America, including panel discussions at program conclusion. The series is hosted by Erwin Canham, editor at the Christian Science Monitor.
Broadcast Date
Global Affairs
United States-Latin American relations
Media type
Embed Code
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Host: Canham, Erwin D. (Erwin Dain), 1904-1982
Interviewee: Nixon, Richard M. (Richard Milhous), 1913-1994
Interviewee: Worcester, Donald E. (Donald Emmet), 1915-2003
Interviewee: Dubois, Jules, 1910-
Interviewee: Velasquez, Gabriel
Interviewee: Church, Wells
Producing Organization: University of Florida
AAPB Contributor Holdings
University of Maryland
Identifier: 61-54-10 (National Association of Educational Broadcasters)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
Duration: 00:28:47
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia
Identifier: 61008prr-4-arch (Peabody Object Identifier)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
Duration: 0:29:25
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Chicago: “Contemporary revolution in Latin America; United States and Latin America, part 1,” 1961-11-20, University of Maryland, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed June 23, 2024,
MLA: “Contemporary revolution in Latin America; United States and Latin America, part 1.” 1961-11-20. University of Maryland, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. June 23, 2024. <>.
APA: Contemporary revolution in Latin America; United States and Latin America, part 1. Boston, MA: University of Maryland, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from