A Liberal Argues That Disruptive Protests Play Into Nixon’s Hands (1971)

Transcript
Hide -
I asked Mr. Fisher to ask a few questions on cross-examination. Roger Fisher: Mr. Davis, I think as you pointed out, we're in wide agreement on the need for bringing the war to an end and on many of the means appropriate to do it. Our disagreement, if it is on the particular technique of violent or disruptive, non-violent, disruptive illegality as a way of bringing about that result. Rennie Davis: We should clarify that one word violent. Our intention is to be totally non-violent. Michael Dukakis: Well, I think that's understood. Roger Fisher: Do you expect some violence to develop? Rennie Davis: Well, every possible effort is being made to train every single person who's participating in Washington in clear tactics of non-violent civil disobedience. And the question ought to be put, I think, to Richard Nixon, whether or not he will allow demonstrators who are genuine, who feel deeply about, passionately about the course of this country and this country's future, whether or not we will be allowed to demonstrate without violence. Roger Fisher: Let me just press you as to how you believe the process will work to compel the government. Who is the demonstration designed influence?
Rennie Davis: Well, many people, I think, the first thing that we're trying to do is deliver a powerful message Fisher: to whom, to whom Davis: into the military bases up and down the East Coast, where GIs are in virtual mutiny demanding the right time. Roger Fisher: I'm trying to follow the process because we now have a majority a vast majority who want Congress, which has the legal power to do it, to end the war this year. And 73%, (talking over each other and interrupting) Well, I have to say to do it. I see the task is how to get them. Now, I'm wondering how you see the task, how lying down in the streets, how blocking traffic. What are the steps through which that goes? Who brings the troops home? Is there a complete dissolution of the government before they come home? Is there wide-scale mutiny and a general collapse? Or does public opinion then ask Congress to bring them? Rennie Davis: Well, I think it's going to be a combination of factors that will end the war. I think that we feel very strongly the power in this country is committed at so absolute a stake to a military victory in Vietnam that every conceivable channel, and channels that do not exist, will have to be used.
We support the GIs who are resisting this war in South Vietnam. (talking over each other) Roger Fisher: How do they come home? Who tells General Abrams to bring the soldiers home? Who? What ships get up there to take them out? Who sends the orders to do that? Rennie Davis: There's no question that ultimately an act of government will be required. The question is how do we move this government? How do we move Congress to understand? Roger Fisher: That's what we disagree on. How do you move Congress? My belief is that the issue with the war in Vietnam. Congress is maybe with us. If the issue was disorder in the streets. Where is President Nixon's strongest on which issue was he strongest? Law and order in the streets? Rennie Davis: I think very much, Roger, that if anything, what we have demonstrated in the last five years is that many of the American people have not been real happy with this generation of young Americans who have been in the streets, who have refused to go into the army, or if in the army have resisted. Homes have been torn apart by young people who have taken principle and determined positions. And we're taking position again, during this period. We are engaged in what I believe is absolutely necessary, which is a struggle
with those 150 million Americans who want to see this war end, who nevertheless, every single morning, get up and go to work. And in the government, there are half million people in Washington DC who get in a car, go to work, who are against the war, who agree that Nixon regularly lied to them about Vietnam. And yet, they continue, directly or indirectly, to support a government. Roger Fisher: They have the power to turn Congress out of office. They have the power to indicate that now, that unless Congress acts this session, they can turn them out of office. And isn't the debate likely to be on disorder, on violence, not violence, but disruptive tactics, on illegality, on lawlessness? And if the debate's on lawlessness, President Nixon may have majority. Rennie Davis: Well, the debate should be on lawlessness, the kind of lawlessness that is going on in our name and your name and every name. Roger Fisher: That is exactly why I'd like the discussion to be on what's going on in Vietnam and not what's going on outside the White House or what's going on on Shirley Avenue or what's who's blocking the bridge.
(talking over each other) It is a question. I don't see the process. What will happen in August after? What do you expect to happen in August or September? Rennie Davis: Well, I think that- Roger Fisher: Will you be planning next spring's demonstration? Rennie Davis: The idea of May is this, to suggest to the country, that the time has come when the overwhelming majority of people must express themselves in the most determined, compelling way possible. Now, I happen to think that there is a great possibility in Congress that congressmen will buy the argument that American casualties are being reduced so it's all right to automate the battlefield. It's all right to create an electronic instrumentized battlefield that literally destroys the ecology and the life of another people. As long as American GIs are coming home, as long as it appears that the war is winning now. Roger Fisher: Won't the disorder which you're creating? Won't the disorder discourage those moderate congressmen who are now might take action to say, I don't want to side with Rennie Davis and William Constor who are under indictment. Who engage in illegal activities. I don't want to do that.
And won't you be contaminating the very chance which we were working on the voters, working on the congress, will do? Won't you be risking that chance? Or continues? Rennie Davis: I really think one of the great tragedies of this decade has been liberals who have argued trying to find an excuse for not engaging and in a high level of political struggle against the war. Roger Fisher: Disorder and disruption. Rennie Davis: Let me, let me just finish. Michael Dukakis: Gentlemen, you're going to have to finish it up pretty quickly. Rennie Davis: I mean, I think that it's quite clear that young people and black people and people who have been committed to struggling with this country have been in the forefront of the anti-war movement and that this country has been brought along step by step and that the mass demonstrations themselves will not end the war. The American people will end the war. But what we hope to do this May is to set an example of resistance, a resistance that has to sweep this country, sweep South Vietnam, sweep GIs, sweep the vets, sweep every household. Roger Fisher (interrupts): promote law and order in Vietnam by disorder at home. Michael Dukakis: Gentlemen, I'm afraid I'm going to have to interrupt Mr. Davis.

A Liberal Argues That Disruptive Protests Play Into Nixon’s Hands (1971)

By 1971, around three-fifths of Americans came to believe that the U.S. made a mistake by sending troops to Vietnam. In this respect, the antiwar position had majority support, but some of the tactics used by antiwar activists did not. In this clip from a 1971 episode of a debate-style WGBH show called The Advocates, both men engaged in argument were staunch critics of the Vietnam War. Rennie Davis was a prominent antiwar activist (and one of the “Chicago Seven” tried for organizing antiwar protests at the 1968 Democratic National Convention). Davis’s case for massive civil disobedience is challenged by Roger Fisher, a law professor who advocated for withdrawal from Vietnam but disagreed with the use of disruptive tactics that might antagonize moderate voters and legislators. Fisher presents an analytical perspective that many historians have used to understand Nixon’s victories in 1968 and 1972; by shifting the focus of political debate from the unpopular Vietnam War to unpopular tactics of some antiwar protestors, Nixon was able to run as a “law and order” candidate who spoke for the “silent majority” of Americans.

Advocates | WGBH | April 20, 1971 This video clip and associated transcript appear from 10:30 - 16:34 in the full record.

View Full Record