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The following program is produced by the University of Florida school of journalism and communications under a grant from the National Educational Television and Radio Center in cooperation with the National Association of educational broadcasters I think we should go on with an expression. I want. Complexion. Because. The. Values of freedom. Values of democratic life. External to the moral leadership that. Is necessary so that the democratic process is no harm. Throughout the hemisphere it is it is a question of world membership here on the part of the United States. Now in the American businessman whom we encountered are actual representatives of the United States and Latin America. As in any large group. However there are unfortunately some exceptions the Latin American public record less fails to make a distinction between the right of states government and
American investors and sense. US companies I believe to let me stress that only the most determined effort. Of the American nations themselves can bring success to this effort. And they alone. Can mobilize their resources. And lift the energies of their people. And modify their social patterns. So that I. Am not just a privileged few. See on the fruits of growth. If this effort is made. Then outside assistance will be a vital about it to progress. Without it. No amount of help. Will advance the welfare of the people. The University of Florida presents the United States and Latin America quite
to the last in a series of recorded documentary reports on a contemporary revolution in Latin America. Your reporter as the distinguished American journalist and editor of The Christian Science Monitor Wendy Kant in. The United States government and its citizens were not prepared for the violent reception given Vice President Nixon by some Latin Americans in the spring of 1968. The result of the Nixon trip was to force the Eisenhower administration to take a good hard look at our into American policies. For years Latin America had been urging the establishment of an interim American bank to provide additional funds to underwrite essential programs to hasten economic development and help raise the standards of living and brought just as many years our State Department as well as our Treasury Department had been saying no. But by late summer of 1988 two months after the Nixon trip under secretary of state for
economic affairs Douglas Dillon was proposing such a bank. Today the interim Merican Development Bank is operational having granted its first loans in the spring of 1961. Latin America says it wants long term low cost loans. He desires stability in the prices of its basic products. Latin Americans say they're not looking for handouts from Uncle Sam. We're going to get a Most of what I'm going to plant here the limo to get poorly because I don't you know I can however let an economist and former mayor of Cali Colombia Dr. Jaime Lozano briefing American newsmen. But we're going to get I'm going to I mean we're going to be he wanted regime the former administration he says he believes tried to do its best. But unfortunately it was one of the beginning to understand that I mean I think very and it's period. Yes.
Promise me a carried out by the United States towards mending America and specifically towards going on here during the day during the next eight years. That was not as intelligent as it might be imagined that Columbia wanted my gifts and wanted loans I had no rights and things of that kind. But he said the Colombians bank on that and Americans have their pride and I'm damn prefer other kinds of stimulation and gifts. The former administration was just beginning to understand Latin America at the very end of its period of office. In September 1960 five months before the end of the Eisenhower administration and then under secretary of state Douglas Dillon met in Bogota Colombia with 18 other OAS representatives meeting as a committee of twenty one. The delegates were there to tackle the enormous problems of lifting entire segments of Latin
American population out of the feudal period and into the 20th century and then under secretary of state and Eisenhower now Secretary of Treasury under Kennedy addressed the delegates in favor of the draft agreement. The draft agreement envisages first. And over time social problems through improvement in the conditions of life. Through better use of agricultural land through better housing and community facilities and through the modernization and improvement of education. The agreement there are some bodies the concept so vividly expressed by President Eisenhower a new poet. He said I have in mind the opening of new areas of the land for settlement and productive use. I have in mind that the land utilization within a system which provides opportunities for free self-reliant man own land without violating the rights of others. I have in mind housing with
emphasis appropriate on individual ownership of small homes and I have in mind other essential minimums for a decent living in both environments. Yes at this conference we can act on the report of our subcommittee if we can launch a new under American programme of social development. If we can give impetus for the provision of increased resources for basic economic and industrial development in accordance with the spirit of operation of America we will have opened a new era of American cooperation. In our endeavors here. We must be ever conscious of the many millions of our people who desperately need the help that we can give them. Their eyes are upon us. We must not disappoint them. And they did. Nineteen of the 21 countries of the OAS including the United States signed what is now called the act of Bogota
voted no. The United States was committed to play a large role in the implementation of the act that Americans viewed the 1960 presidential elections with unusual interest. They did so for a number of reasons to begin with the majority of them shared the same religion. One of the candidates Senator John Kennedy then to the Latin Americans were flattered that our relations with them had become a major campaign issue. With few exceptions they were pulling for John Kennedy on election night. We have found that. During our trip to Latin America last fall almost unanimous support for President Kennedy and. Great expectations of what he said ministration might mean for Latin America. Chairman of the House Subcommittee on it American affairs representative. I missed it seldom in late fall of 1960 Congressman stolen and dandy fast cell congressman from Florida visited Latin American countries upon their return they published a report which among other things warned that overoptimistic expectations of the Latin Americans
for the Kennedy administration might backfire. I am Mrs For example reported an astonishing interest in the election. When pressed for an explanation of the enthusiasm of Kennedy's victory. People with whom we talked uniformly replied that it meant a return to the good neighbor policy or a new yeah right in American relations. All while lated that their region for the first time some insisted was a factor in the campaign itself. Now we. Know. Yet after a trip that many Latin Americans or even the knowledgeable ones who are away are going to go dry in a balance of payment difficulties. And. You and I work commitments have exaggerated hopes that the new administration will propose a massive aid plan for Latin America some of the Marshall Plan. And present conversations and public statements we made. Every effort to dissuade them
from on reasonable expectations. The Latins did not have to wait very long for an official pronouncement of what they hoped might be a new look. You know our Latin American policy on the evening of March 13th one hundred sixty one. The White House was the scene of a special reception for the Latin American diplomatic corps stationed in Washington. President Kennedy took this occasion to introduce his ten point ten year aid program to Latin America rather Latin America. A continent rich in resources. And in the spiritual and cultural achievement of its people. Millions of men and women. Suffer the daily degradation the poverty and hunger. We lack in selling. Or protection from to. Their children to private education on the job. Which obligate me to a better life. Any day the problems grow more aging. Population growth is outpacing economic growth. Low living standards are endangered.
And discontent. The discontent of a people who know a bit abundant. And the tools of progress. Are at large within their reach. The discontent is growing. In the rear of the whole day for girls. Once dormant people. Are Struggling upward toward the sun. Towards a better life. If we are to meet a problem so staggering in its dimensions. Our approach must itself be equally bold and approach consistent with the majestic concept. Of operation pan America. Therefore I have called on our people of the hemisphere. To join in a new alliance for progress. Alianza para progressive. A vast cooperative effort. Unparalleled in magnitude magnitude and nobility of purpose. To satisfy the basic needs of the American people. For homes
work and land. Health. And schools. Catch you. To borrow. Each year. Yes. First I propose that the American republic began on a vast new 10 year plan for the Americas. A plan to transform the 1960s. Into an historic decade of democratic progress. These 10 years will be the years of maximum progress. Maximum effort. Is when the greatest obstacles must be overcome. The years when the need for assistance will be the greatest. And if we are successful. Your prophet is bold enough. And determined enough. In the close of this decade. Will mark the beginning of a new era in the American experience. The living standards of every American family will be on the rise. Basic Education will be available to raw.
Hunger will be a forgotten experience. The need for massive outside help will have passed. Most nations will have ended a period of self-sustaining growth. And though there will be still much to do. Every American republic. Will be the master of its own revolution. And its own hope and progress in his alliance for progress. President Kennedy introduced a new departure for determining when and what countries in the future would receive United States aid. Let me stress that only the most determined effort. Of the American nations themselves can bring success to this effort. They and they alone. Can mobilize their resources. And lift the energy to their people. And modify their social patterns. So that all. Are not just a privileged few to. Share in the fruits of growth. If this effort is made then outside
assistance will be a vital impetus to progress. Without it. No amount of help will advance the welfare of the people that the countries of Latin America. Are ready to do their part. And I am sure they are. And I believe the United States. Should help provide resources of a scope and magnitude. Sufficient to make this bomb development plan a success. Just as we help to provide against equal odds nearly. The resources adequate to help rebuild the economies of Western Europe. For only an effort of towering dimensions. Can ensure that one of our plan. For a decade of progress President Kennedy incorporated the act of Bogota as an integral part of his own 10 year plan. He describes the act in these words written as the first large scale in American effort. To attack the social barriers which block
economic progress. The money will be used to combat illiteracy. Improve the productivity and use of our land. Wipe out with the. Attack archaic tax and land can your scriptures. Provide educational opportunities. And offer a broad range of projects. There's not time to make the benefits of increasing abundance. Available to all. We will begin to commit respond and know if they are appropriate. In the past few years the United States has been experiencing a drain on gold reserves because of an unfavorable balance of payments. The present administration has indicated that it expects our allies in particular Western Europe to take on increased commitments in aid to underdeveloped areas easing our already massive aid burden. We've asked another member of the Latin American Task Force John leddy assistant secretary of the Treasury. What kind of financial aid can we
expect our more prosperous allies to contribute to Latin America. Well really hope that over time Western Europe will know a much larger part in helping the underdeveloped countries of Latin America then they have more for the kind of assistance which is so badly needed in Latin America as it is in many other of the underdeveloped world is long term assistance which can be repaid more easily than. Short term export of credits by long term assistance I mean assistance which can be repaid let us say over periods of 15 or 20 or 25 years. The reason for this is that the Latin American countries cannot repay loans on a short basis because of their tight foreign exchange situation. We have just recently completed a meeting in London of a development assistance group which
consists of a number of Western European countries ourselves Canada and Japan and in that meeting we have been urging them to greatly step up their help to the underdeveloped world and that would of course include Latin America. We're hopeful that this program will be successful but it will take some time to work out. Granted that Kennedy's Alliance for Progress is as far as most of Latin America is concerned a step in the right direction. But what about other shortcomings in our Latin American policies. Are these two to be corrected. We asked a few people in Washington some pointed questions how do we meet for example the criticism that the United States in the past has supported dictators we currently have satisfactory diplomatic relations with at least three of the remaining five dictatorships still operating in Latin America. We put this question first to Congressman suld. We ran into that criticism of course wherever we went. And we made a
very specific recommendation and our report would. I would like to read to you that is that where regimes rule about oppressive measures the United States adhere to a policy of formal diplomatic courtesy. But avoid the infusion anew called reality which has been misinterpreted and has assumed a profound symbolic meaning in Latin America. We did emphasize on our point. That the United States government cannot aid the people of any nation. Without going through the existing gap. And if those governments happen to be a dictatorship we have the choice of either going through the dictatorship to the people or in an effort to help people are not going to the people at all not only in this report but other reports of this committee has made we have made the same recommendation. But the question arises how do we deal with dictatorships on a government to government basis without offending or eliminating the democratic forces.
I to abolish carry on of Puerto Rico is our deputy assistant secretary of state for interim American affairs. I think that we should go on with an express. I want company. Action regarding the values of freedom values of democratic life and their acts are to the moral leadership that is necessary so that their democratic process is affirmed it strengthened throughout the hemisphere. There is a there is a question of world leadership here on the part of the United States that can greatly help the expansion of freedom not just in the hemisphere but throughout the world. Oh my rule is that leadership does not mean of course that the United States will not observe long established procedures and supposin international relations but let us remember that the United
States was born of a revolution that proclaimed its true. And individual freedom in a representative democracy in the United States I think is morally committed to the promotion of freedom in every way compatible with the Inter-Mountain system from dictators we turn our attention to American business abroad in Latin America. What can be done to reduce the damage to American prestige which results from an enlightened or shop businessman operating some of the border. Congressman Sultan. Well I think that American business people have a real opportunity in the Latin American area to. Get a better understanding between our country and the countries in which they have business as a matter of fact we made a very definite recommendation in our report and that connection. We recommended for example at a better liaison be established between the State Department and United States firearms operating in Latin America so that these
crimes are going to be constantly reminded that they have a tremendous responsibility and that area. Now in the home. The American businessman whom we encountered are actual representatives of the United States and Latin America as in any large group. However there are unfortunately some exceptions. The Latin American public frequently fails to make a distinction between the United States government and American business and sense. US companies are believed to reflect U.S. policy. It is I think imperative that U.S. crimes operating in the region be cognizant of their opponents and their responsibilities. And finally what about the kind of information that is sent back to our State Department in Washington from our diplomats in the field on at least three major occasions our reports on Latin America and its public opinion have been proved disastrously wrong. The State Department briefing before the famous trip to South America
by Vice President Nixon in 1958 was one. The groundswell of popular support for Castro's revolution against Batiste in 1952. A second. And the failure of the predicted uprising in Cuba against Castro in April 861 which drew the United States backed rebel invasion. Well I don't know exactly what information gets that but I don't read the record and I don't read the report. But I do know that in most American embassies certainly the one here tremendous amount of misinformation the criticism from an American reporter who lives in Mexico City. Anita Brenner that I think the reason for that it's a packrat situation is that American employees of the American government or any employee of the American government has to be extremely careful who they see or talk to or have anything to do with socially. So fear of criticism by some congressman who doesn't
doesn't know what he's talking about. They therefore have to stay within their own narrow little narrow little circle. They therefore can't possibly know what's really happening because the only way you know what's happening is to talk to all kinds of people all over the place. In essence the chairman of the House Subcommittee on into American affairs agrees with Miss Brenner and I think it's very important that. Embassy people and other representatives of our government in these countries make a real effort to. Secure the opinion of all classes and all groups of people. And information is very valuable to this country and I think also it gives their people a better opportunity of meeting the people that we send to represent the United States government. Exclusive contact with the elite in the capital cities often keeps our officials out of touch with actual public opinion. Congressman Solon recommends that our ambassadors and other diplomats make every effort to get out of capital cities more often.
We recommended in our point that. Our ambassadors in Latin America accelerate their efforts to bring to the people of Latin America are more understanding of the United States its government and its people. While we of course recognize that the primary function of an ambassador is to represent the United States government and all government to government transactions. We believe that many lose an opportunity to call a better understanding by failing to know I'll be known by the people outside of the more sophisticated capitals themselves. We watched on it tonight that the reason that I want our ambassadors to the third largest city in the country in which you Station was the first time in at least a decade that a United States ambassador had visited that particular city until April in 1981. American prestige in Latin America seemed once more on the rise.
Then came the unsuccessful invasion of Cuba by anti-Castro rebels. When the extent of the United States intervention became known we received a serious setback in prestige not only in Latin America but in the eyes of the rest of the world. Despite this American policy is still moving forward and is generally aimed in the right direction. Just as the Good Neighbor Policy of Franklin Roosevelt had its roots in the latter part of the Hoover administration. So John Kennedy's Alliance for Progress saw its beginnings in the final six months of the Eisenhower administration. A word of caution however is in order. There are no shortcuts to progress in solving the grave problems in Latin America. A member of the New York Times editorial board. Robert L. Matthews puts it in this way. I don't think anybody can give you an easy quick simple and to how we can win this
great struggle which in a sense is a kind foreign to the Cold War to Latin America. Obviously the economic policies we are now following which is to help social reforms in Latin America will. Support our case very strongly. We have to try to persuade the governing classes in Latin America to cooperate more than they have in the past and perhaps we can bring some pressure to bear in that requirement. We might make it more clear than we have in the past that we don't want to see a democratic government. And I'm not in favor of dictatorships. I read magic. I'm not
a panacea and they can be applied overnight. You do need time and we don't have to hope that we can at least act quickly enough to forestall the possibility of revolutions in other countries. But there is no quick and easy. And then we have to be patient and we have to try hard. Over the coming years. For the past half hour we've been reporting on the United States and Latin America a product of the contemporary revolution in Latin America. United States and Latin America too is the last in a series of weekly
documentary reports on the contemporary revolution in Latin America. The program is narrated by the distinguished journalist and editor of The Christian Science Monitor Wendy can. This series is produced in cooperation with the University of Florida school entering Iraq and study. You may receive without charge the text of today's program by writing this station. Today's report was based in part on material appearing in the publication the United States and Latin America published by the American assembly. Columbia University. This program was prepared and recorded by us for Radio Center school of journalism and communications University of Florida Gainesville under a grant from the National Educational Television and
Radio Center and is being distributed by the National Association of educational broadcasters. This is the NOAA radio network.
Series
Contemporary revolution in Latin America
Episode
United States and Latin America, part 2
Producing Organization
University of Florida
Contributing Organization
University of Maryland (College Park, Maryland)
AAPB ID
cpb-aacip/500-833n126f
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Description
Episode Description
This program, the second of two parts, explores the complicated relationship between the United States and Latin America.
Series Description
A documentary series on problems facing Latin America, including panel discussions at program conclusion. The series is hosted by Erwin Canham, editor at the Christian Science Monitor.
Broadcast Date
1961-11-29
Topics
Global Affairs
Subjects
United States-Latin American relations
Media type
Sound
Duration
00:29:21
Embed Code
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Credits
Host: Canham, Erwin D. (Erwin Dain), 1904-1982
Interviewee: Lozano, Jaime
Interviewee: Matthews, Herbert Lionel, 1900-
Interviewee: Selden, Armistead I.
Interviewee: Brenner, Anita, 1905-1974
Producing Organization: University of Florida
Speaker: Kennedy, John F. (John Fitzgerald), 1917-1963
Speaker: Dillon, C. Douglas (Clarence Douglas), 1909-2003
AAPB Contributor Holdings
University of Maryland
Identifier: 61-54-11 (National Association of Educational Broadcasters)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
Duration: 00:29:06
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Citations
Chicago: “Contemporary revolution in Latin America; United States and Latin America, part 2,” 1961-11-29, University of Maryland, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed May 28, 2024, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-500-833n126f.
MLA: “Contemporary revolution in Latin America; United States and Latin America, part 2.” 1961-11-29. University of Maryland, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. May 28, 2024. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-500-833n126f>.
APA: Contemporary revolution in Latin America; United States and Latin America, part 2. Boston, MA: University of Maryland, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-500-833n126f