Moyers & Company; 243; The Top Secret Trade Deal You Need to Know About

Moyers & Company: Show 243

Closed Captioning Script

November 1st, 2013

BILL MOYERS:

This week on Moyers & Company… TPP: the big story you haven’t heard about.

YVES SMITH:

There'd be no reason to keep it so secret if it was in the interest of the public.

DEAN BAKER:

This really is a deal that's being negotiated by corporations for corporations and any benefit it provides to the bulk of the population of this country will be purely incidental.

BILL MOYERS:

And drone warfare. Deadly fire from the sky.

ANNOUNCER:

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The John D. And Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, committed to building a more just, verdant, and peaceful world. More information at Macfound.Org.

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The HKH Foundation.

Barbara G. Fleischman.

And by our sole corporate sponsor, Mutual of America, designing customized individual and group retirement products. That’s why we’re your retirement company.

BILL MOYERS:

Welcome. “The Disposition Matrix” sounds like the title of a suspense thriller. But that’s what America's counterterrorism experts call their database, the list of those our government believes are preparing to do America harm. From it, targets are chosen for assassination. However, the drones they use are not always so selective, and often kill innocent civilians, including children.

Last Tuesday, for the first time, drone attack victims testified at a briefing for members of Congress. Five members showed up.

The briefing coincided with the release of a new documentary, “Unmanned: America’s Drone Wars,” the latest from Brave New Films, produced and directed by Robert Greenwald. It tells the story of civilians who have lost their lives to drones and includes the testimony of others. Among them, Brandon Bryant, a former American drone operator who carried out attacks by remote control from a military base in New Mexico.

BRANDON BRYANT in Unmanned:

Getting into the drone program was weird. The introduction is like, “This is what we do, we kill people and break things. That is what our job is.” […]

And depending on atmospherics, if it was a completely clear day, you’d definitely get a good picture. And depending on how close you were you could probably read the license plate on someone’s car. We can see something as simple as people playing a soccer game. We can see individual players, and we can even see the ball.

BILL MOYERS:

One of those featured in the film is Tariq Aziz, 16 years old. He lived in the mountainous region northern Pakistan and he loved to play soccer.

In April 2010, his 18 year old cousin, Asmar Ullah, was killed by a missile fired from an American drone as he rode his motorcycle. A year and a half later, Tariq, determined to tell his cousin’s story, made a tough, day-long journey through treacherous terrain to attend a gathering in the capital of Islamabad, where tribal elders met with Western journalists to describe the drone war being waged in their homeland by the United States.

KAREEM KHAN in Unmanned:

These drones attack us and the whole world is silent.

KHUN MARJAN KHAN in Unmanned:

I raise my voice to take a stand.

DR. BASHIR KHAN in Unmanned:

You press a button and annihilate entire families and tribes.

CLIVE STAFFORD SMITH in Unmanned:

This is a part of the drone, the missile, that was used to kill that child.

OSAMA HINJI in Unmanned:

It was a gathering to get the voice of the victims of the drone attacks out to the general public as well as the rest of the world.

NEIL WILLIAMS in Unmanned:

And that was the main goal. We were going to use the media to try and establish who had been killed. And also why, where and how.

JEMIMA KHAN in Unmanned:

Well because of the inaccessibility of Waziristan, it’s very, very hard to compile any kind of credible evidence or evidence that others will see as credible. That was why we compiled this conference at Islamabad.

CLIVE STAFFORD SMITH in Unmanned:

We called it a Jirga.

JEMIMA KHAN in Unmanned:

A Jirga is a traditional tribal gathering.

CLIVE STAFFORD SMITH in Unmanned:

It’s what people in that area use to settle their disputes.

MAN in Unmanned:

This is simply indiscriminate bombing! There are so many women and children killed.

NEIL WILLIAMS in Unmanned:

At one stage I came upon a young boy, Tariq Aziz. When I was talking to Tariq one of the first things that he did was he handed me his cousin’s student ID card. And as I looked at it I looked back at Tariq and I noticed he was crying, he started to tell me the story of his cousin who had been killed from a drone strike. He’d come to the Jirga primarily to inform us a little bit more about what had happened to his cousin to people in his local village and find out how to stop the killing. We sat together all day, we ate together at lunch time. We laughed together, we became friends. Tariq was extremely intelligent and funny to be around. He had a nice sense of humor. He was fascinated by photography and intrigued by western music, mentioning artists and one that sprang to mind was Lady Gaga. He started to talk about drone strikes in his village. How he was unable to sleep at night, he was scared he was worried about his family, his friends. Tariq was traumatized. […]

PRATAP CHATTERJEE in Unmanned:

And the people who were gathered there adopted a resolution condemning the strikes. […]

Then we went together to a rally and Tariq Aziz traveled there with us. […]

NEWS ANCHOR 1 in Unmanned:

Thousands of Pakistanis came to support a giant rally on Sunday.

NEWS ANCHOR 2 in Unmanned:

The protest against the United States’ drone attacks in Pakistan.

MAN in Unmanned:

The drones are violations of the people of Pakistan as well as their human rights.

NEWS ANCHOR 3 in Unmanned:

People from all over the country irrespective of their ages and backgrounds came together to the rally.

PRATAP CHATTERJEE in Unmanned:

After that Tariq Aziz and the other attendees returned to their homes.

BILL MOYERS:

Three days later, Tariq and another cousin, 12-year-old Waheed Khan, were driving to pick up players for a soccer match. In a flash, both young people were killed by a CIA drone strike; the car destroyed, their bodies badly burned.

SHAHZAD AKBAR in Unmanned:

Two days later I got a call […]

JEMIMA KHAN in Unmanned:

I got an email.

OSAMA HINJI in Unmanned:

I was at work when we found out.

PRATAP CHATTERJEE in Unmanned:

We got an email and a telephone call.

NEIL WILLIAMS in Unmanned:

Four days after the Jirga, I received an email from Shazhad. The email simply said “Tariq” as the heading. And I opened it instantly. To my shock I found out that Tariq had been murdered by a drone strike.

SHAHZAD AKBAR in Unmanned:

And that was a shock. And we were like, how, how is it possible. Where was he? What was he doing? And it's like, completely unbelievable.

FAISAL WALI in Unmanned:

He was just an innocent student. He was my student.

ABDUL AZIZ in Unmanned:

They said that Tariq has been killed. I could not believe it. […]

MAN in Unmanned:

In Pashto there is a saying, "Let me be buried with your picture, in case I forget you in heaven." […]

MARY ELLEN O'CONNELL in Unmanned:

If the US had any information that Tariq Aziz was part of a criminal organization, was planning to carry out attacks on the United States, then our federal law enforcement agents should have been working with the authorities of Pakistan to arrest him.

PRATAP CHATTERJEE in Unmanned:

And one really has to ask the question why the government was not able to arrest or even question him. This is Islamabad we're talking about. It's the capitol of the country.

NEIL WILLIAMS in Unmanned:

Population is over a million people. Jirga was a real public event.

PRATAP CHATTERJEE in Unmanned:

It was at a big hotel. It was advertised widely. It was an open event.

MARY ELLEN O'CONNELL in Unmanned:

Tariq Aziz was plainly visible to hundreds and hundreds of people. He talked with reporters. Everything about him that the authorities could have wanted to know about his location and about his recent activities, were known to the United States.

PRATAP CHATTERJEE in Unmanned:

It would have been extremely easy for them to approach him, sit down and talk to him, or for that matter, put him in jail. But instead the CIA chose to go and kill him, without giving him the opportunity to give his side of whatever it is that they thought that he had done. There is no evidence there whatsoever. And they've given him no lawyers, there's no judge and there's no jury.

PRESIDENT OBAMA in Unmanned:

Our preference is always to capture if we can, because then we can gather intelligence. But a lot of the terrorist networks that target the United States, the most dangerous ones, operate in remote regions and it's very difficult to capture them.

CORA CURRIER in Unmanned:

But what we can discern from the pattern of strikes is essentially Pakistan's been declared a no capture zone. That automatically capture is not considered feasible.

MARK MAZZETTI in Unmanned:

If we just look at the numbers, there have been dramatically more people killed in recent years than have been captured. […]

CLIVE STAFFORD SMITH in Unmanned:

There are no CIA agents in Waziristan, so they rely on local people.

SHAHZAD AKBAR in Unmanned:

And this is where the fundamental wrong is. Because these people are working for you for money.

CLIVE STAFFORD SMITH in Unmanned:

And that reliance is utterly misplaced. And what you see in Tariq's case, and it just pains me to say this, that you know without any real room for dispute that there was someone in that room when we were having our Jirga who was an informant for the US intelligence services. And that that person picked out Tariq. I can tell you as a matter of fact that Tariq was not an extremist. And the way you know what intelligence they relied on to kill someone is what they release immediately after the killing. And in that case they said four militants were killed. And of course we know two kids were killed. That's how it happened.

KAREN DEYOUNG in Unmanned:

I asked the CIA about the strike, and their response was that on that day child was killed, in fact the adult males were supporting al Qaeda's facilitation network. So, despite all of these technological assets and human assets, we're not there, we don't know. And I think there is a lot of room for error.

BILL MOYERS:

You can see Robert Greenwald’s film in its entirety at the website, Unmanned.Warcosts.com. I urge you to watch it with a companion, because you will want to talk about the questions it raises concerning national security, drones, and the nature of war. Then I’d like to know what you think.

Remember that in the excerpt we showed earlier the former drone operator says: "This is what we do, we kill people and break things, this is what our job is." It’s true. Once we insist on war as a solution, this is always the outcome. There is no way to avoid killing the innocent when you have determined to destroy your enemy.

Our own government has fought our wars by dropping atomic bombs on whole cities. By firebombing. Carpet-bombing. By spreading the poison of Agent Orange over the homes and farms of noncombatants. By splashing burning napalm on children. In this War on Terror, we are told, either we put boots on the ground and see our own young men and women killed, or we put drones in the sky firing missiles at strangers who can be seen only from a distance.

If you were President Obama, what choice would you make? I’d like to hear your succinct and considered response. Write me at BillMoyers.com or on Facebook.

I promise to read every response.

Let's turn now to another big story most of us know even less about than drones. TPP -- the Trans-Pacific Partnership. It’s a trade agreement the United States is negotiating with Australia, Canada, Japan and eight other countries in the Pacific region. If you don't know about the TPP, and few do, it's because the powerful people behind it -- including President Obama -- don't want you to know.

The negotiations are shrouded in secrecy, and once they are completed, Obama wants to rush the agreement through Congress -- fast-tracking, they call it -- with our elected representatives given the choice only of voting it up or down. Last year, over 130 members of Congress asked the White House for more transparency about what's being negotiated, and were essentially told to go fly a kite. You can be sure of this, however: a select group of corporate partners -- companies like General Electric, Goldman Sachs, and Pfizer, the pharmaceutical giant -- are not likely to be in the dark. Players like these stand to be the real beneficiaries of the agreement, because like other so-called "free trade" agreements, TPP actually will reward those at the top, even as it creates rules to override domestic laws on the environment, workplace safety, and investment. Corporate lobbyists already are lining up in Washington to ram the agreement through once the White House hurries it out of the delivery room. How do we know this? Because some vigilant independent watchdogs are tracking the negotiations, with sources they trust, and two are with me now.

Yves Smith is an expert on investment banking and the founder of Aurora Advisors, a New York based management consulting firm. She runs the “Naked Capitalism” blog, a go-to site for information and insight on the business and ethics of finance.

Dean Baker is co-director of the progressive Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, DC. He's been a senior economist at the Economic Policy Institute and a consultant to Congress and the World Bank. I rarely miss his blog, “Beat the Press,” and I’m a regular reader of his column in the “Guardian” newspaper.

Welcome to you both...

DEAN BAKER:

Thanks for having me on.

YVES SMITH:

Nice to be here.

BILL MOYERS:

Twelve nations are involved in negotiating this treaty and yet so far hardly a peep or a leak from inside. Why so much secrecy?

DEAN BAKER:

Well, it's a very strange procedure here. Essentially what you've done is you've parceled out chunks of the agreement. So you have an agreement, a portion of it dealing with prescription drugs, you have a portion dealing with the internet, you have portions of it dealing with various aspects of environmental regulations. And you only have those parties to the table that are directly involved.

When I'm saying directly involved, essentially the industry groups. So it's not as though we've brought the environmentalists there to talk about what sort of an environmental regulation we want around fracking. You have the industry groups, the oil and gas industry, they're sitting down there with their counterparts in the other countries, deciding what sort of regulations you'll have on fracking. So it's a very peculiar way to go about doing a treaty. And I think if there were more public knowledge of it, people would be very unhappy.

It's very peculiar to have an agreement of this importance be kept so much under wraps. One of the things that is known is apparently only five of the 29 chapters actually have anything to do with trade.

YVES SMITH:

So really, it's a mistake to call it a trade agreement. This is really an agreement that's purpose is substantially to weaken nation-based regulation while at the same time strengthening intellectual property protections. So it's basically a give me to companies on both ends.

BILL MOYERS:

Well, if there is so much secrecy, how do we know what we don't know, to paraphrase Donald Rumsfeld?

DEAN BAKER:

Well I mean there have been some leaks from people involved in the process, so there have been bits and pieces that have come out. But it's very difficult to really know what is in there. They give limited access to members of Congress. And this, again, you know, Yves was making comment about that. You know, this really, to my mind, is quite a scandal.

So even a member of Congress, our elected representatives, can't just go in there and say, "Let me see, you know, where this stands, where the latest text is." They can get limited access to parts of it, they can't bring their staff in, and they're basically sworn to secrecy.

YVES SMITH:

Some people have seen pieces. One of the groups that's been very on top of this has been a Washington D.C. group called Public Citizen. And from the pieces they've been able to put together, they see that it, for example, will allow drug companies to increase prices, to extend the term of their patent.

So the patent protection will go longer, it'll be much longer before anything will become generic. It would restrict buying local of all sorts. So for example, governments would not be able to, you know, say, "We're only going to be able to buy from people in state or people in the US." It would make things like GMO labeling impermissible.

It would weaken environmental regulations. So for example, you couldn't say, "Gee, you know, Chinese tilapia, we don't want to import that anymore because it's become too toxic." That kind of restriction would not be permissible.

DEAN BAKER:

Yeah, let me carry that even a step further with the prescription drugs, just to try and put some dollars and cents on that. We spend around $300 billion a year on prescription drugs. Without patent and other similar protection we'd be spending about $30 billion. So this is, you know, how much for paying extra for prescription drugs because we have patent-related protections.

Now you could imagine a trade agreement, if this was really about trade, we'd be going, "How can we bring those prices down?" But instead, what you have is the drug companies there, and they're not talking about how to bring them down. They're talking about how to bring them up. Primarily in other countries, but they'd like to bring them up in the United States as well.

BILL MOYERS:

Is that free trade?

DEAN BAKER:

It's the opposite.

BILL MOYERS:

That law, is the patent law free trade?

DEAN BAKER:

It's a protection. And that's what I just find--

YVES SMITH:

Right.

DEAN BAKER:

--so amazing. It's called patent protection. And then they're going, "That's free trade." And "No, this is a government-granted monopoly. And that just speaks to, you know, how convoluted our language has become, that it's not free trade if we don't extend the government-granted monopoly long into the future.

BILL MOYERS:

Doesn't the entertainment industry also stand to gain?

YVES SMITH:

Yes. I mean, one of the things that-- there's a European counterpart of the Trans-Pacific Partnership that's also under negotiation. One of the things that France is upset about is that they provide subsidies to their entertainment industry. The idea that a French film that would only appear in an art house cinema is any threat to the American movie industry.

I mean, that's absurd. And yet that kind of thing would not be permissible under that version of the deal. One of the things that would happen apparently under both deals, is even more severe restrictions on copying and transfers, to the point where one of the leading one-- an internet group called the Electronic Frontier Foundation said it would even interfere with the basic operation of the internet because things like temporary copies wouldn't be permitted under this rule.

DEAN BAKER:

Also, there's an issue of enforcement here that people might remember the Stop Online Piracy Act that they were trying to get through in the United States a couple years ago, and of course there was a big uprising against, a lot of grassroots opposition, a lot of companies, in fact, came out in opposition to it.

And one of the big points there was that it required third parties. So someone posted something on my website that turned out to violate a copyright of Warner Brothers, well, under that, I could be held liable for this. Warner Brothers could take action, legal action against me. As it stands now, if I have material that violates their copyright, it's incumbent on Warner Brothers to go, "Oh, you have to take this down."

And then I have, you know, it's a reasonable time period to take it down.

BILL MOYERS:

So is this why you wrote the other day, "This could make … Google, Facebook, and indeed anyone with a website into a copyright cop"?

DEAN BAKER:

Exactly.

BILL MOYERS:

But this is the paradox to me, I mean, as you've just said, stronger copyright and patent protection is the very opposite of free trade. They involve government interference and intervention in the market. They restrict competition. They lead, as you've just said, to higher prices for consumers. How can you describe this as a free-trade agreement?

YVES SMITH:

I think the free trade idea is what's being used to bully a lot of the countries into it. That if you're not part of this deal, you'll somehow be left on the outside. You know, there's a big argument apparently in Japan about this right now, that Japan is one of the late joiners to the negotiations.

And some groups in Japan have started objecting. And the government's saying, "Well, if we don't participate, you know, everybody else will be in and we'll be out." So that's the leverage that America is apparently using to try to get people on board

DEAN BAKER:

But this is really important to point out it isn’t free trade. You know, if you look at the actual trade barriers that exist between the United States and these other countries, at this point, they're almost all very small. You know, if you have a tariff of one percent or two percent, you know, the things like that, it really doesn't matter whether it's there or at zero.

So what this is really about is, you know, these sorts of, in many cases, provisions increasing barriers or restricting the ability to have environmental regulations, health and safety regulations. That's what it's really about, trade’s really peripheral.

YVES SMITH:

That's how this works in combination with the secrecy provision. It's free trade because nobody knows otherwise.

BILL MOYERS:

What is your greatest concern about this?

YVES SMITH:

I think the drugs one is my biggest one. And the second one, frankly, is financial services. Because this would also basically make a lot of financial services regulation that we now have pretty much impossible. It would force--

BILL MOYERS:

How so?

YVES SMITH:

It would force everything-- well, apparently financial services is one of the chapters. And so again, it would lead to a race to the bottom, that any country, that any signatory to the pact could say, "Gee, you know, X, Y, Z country has weaker regulations. You know, you're hurting us by making us adhere to this higher standard." And in particular, and another sort of interesting conflict is that one of the things that it rules out is capital controls.

Now, historically, people used to say that, you know, again, the sort of simpleminded idea that capital controls weren't such a good thing.

And now the IMF has come around and has said that capital controls, you know, certain types, are actually desirable. Chile and Malaysia had them both going into the crisis, and they did better than a lot of other countries as a result of having them. But that in fact may be one of the things that makes a steel founder, that some of the countries that have them and like them, are objecting to the faculties that are included in the pact.

BILL MOYERS:

Is it conceivable to you that this could affect the enforcement of Dodd-Frank, which was ostensibly passed to prevent another great crash like 2008? Could this affect the enforcement of Dodd-Frank?

YVES SMITH:

Yeah. No, I mean, certainly the derivatives regulation, and I would expect the capital levels. There's no--

BILL MOYERS:

How? How would that work?

YVES SMITH:

The first language in both these deals goes something along the lines with, "All signatories are required to make their laws and regulations conform to the standards of this agreement." They are literally required to make their nation-based laws subordinate to the terms of these agreements. And again, we don't know exactly what's in them. But the whole notion is that they are to permit very liberalized capital flows and minimal restrictions. So like, Dodd-Frank basically is inconsistent with that.

BILL MOYERS:

So foreign trade partners would conceivably be allowed to challenge American laws?

YVES SMITH:

Yeah.

DEAN BAKER:

That's exactly the point—

YVES SMITH

You know, one of the things it extends is a concept that exists in NAFTA, but it's-- which is that you have special panels that companies can go to get matters adjudicated if they believe that regulations have led them to lose profit. And it's not even necessarily that they've currently lost profit. It's that they have potentially lost profit.

For example, one case that's now pending under NAFTA is that Quebec has an anti-fracking prohibition to protect the Saint Lawrence River Valley. There's a US company that's suing $250 million. And if they win that case before the special panel, the Quebec government will have to pay that amount. Under the TPP, you'll see an enormous expansion of that kind of power.

BILL MOYERS:

Both of you are good at arguing the other side for the purposes of debate. So what's good about this? Why should anybody be for this free-trade agreement that's not a free-trade agreement?

DEAN BAKER:

Yeah, it is really hard for me to see. I'm sure if we had the whole text in front of us, I'm sure you know, both of us would be able to find things, we'd go “that good, that good.” I mean, there has to be something that's good. You know, the way it's being constructed, it's not the way in which you design a treaty that's intended to benefit the bulk of the population of either the United States or the other countries.

I mean, you won't just have the corporate interest there, and that's literally what you've done. I mean, it's kind of amazing. What are they going to do? They're going to try to ensure that it maximizes their profits.

Now, not everything they have there is going to be bad, but I suspect most of the clauses in there are going to be to advance their interest.

YVES SMITH:

One of the aspects of the Trans-Pacific Partnership is it's an everyone-but-China deal. One of the intentions of the deal is to isolate China. So if you think isolating China is a good thing, then that would be a reason to support the deal.

Now in fact, ironically, a lot of the companies that are supporting this deal may not have thought through all of the implications because a lot of them have extended supply chains that go through China. This disrupts their current supply chains, they might actually have to reorganize their lives a bit more than they had thought.

DEAN BAKER:

Our economies are very integrated. One would expect that they'll continue to be integrated. You know, so the idea that we're going to isolate them, I don't really see how that would work in any case. But if that were a goal of policy, if we actually could get to a situation where we did sort of separate the countries, that would not be a pretty picture. So I think we have to look to integrate with them. And ideally on better terms than we currently have.

BILL MOYERS:

Some people refer to this Pacific deal as the quote, "North American Free Trade Agreement on steroids." Does that make sense to you?

YVES SMITH:

Well, it does because the North American trade agreement in the end wound up helping corporations and didn't do much for American workers. In fact, there have been economists who've said that NAFTA produced as much as nearly a million job losses in the US

And the whole notion of this agreement is to facilitate the movement of capital and to give even more privileges than it has now. So you know, workers, except for a few who have a seat at the table like the UAW, workers are basically at the back of the bus on this one.

BILL MOYERS:

President Clinton, a lot with NAFTA. Listen to this.

BILL CLINTON:

NAFTA will tear down trade barriers between our three nations. It will create the world's largest trade zone and create 200,000 jobs in this country by 1995 alone. The environmental and labor-side agreements negotiated in my administration will make this agreement a force for social progress as well as economic growth.

BILL MOYERS:

Did NAFTA bring us hundreds of thousands of jobs? Did we get better environmental and labor standards? What did we get?

DEAN BAKER:

You'd be very hard-pressed to see us having gotten jobs from NAFTA. I mean, you had the number of companies you could identify that shift operations to Mexico. And that was clearly the main point of the agreement, because there are extensive chapters on investment and much of the agreement was about making it easy for, say, a General Electric, General Motors to shift their operations to Mexico and know that they would be guaranteed that there wouldn't be an issue of expropriation, they won't have to worry about repatriating their profits.

That was really the point of the agreement. So we did lose a lot of jobs to Mexico for that reason. In terms of the environmental and labor standards, those were thrown in as an afterthought. Now, you have had some effort to take advantage of those. I wouldn't really say it's had much impact. I mean, basically to help the situation some unions in Mexico, or workers trying to organize unions in Mexico.

But those really were an afterthought. And they weren't intended it's the way it's always treated. The investment stuff is serious. You don't play games with it. The labor stuff is like, "Oh, okay, you can talk about it." There's no real enforcement mechanism. No one's going to go to court and pay hundreds of millions of dollars in damage 'cause they didn't comply with the terms of the labor conditions.

BILL MOYERS:

Same with the environment, right?

DEAN BAKER:

Exactly. There's nothing-- and it's not that we couldn't put terms in. I mean, these are all intelligent people. If we wanted to put in terms with that agreement that had enforceable environmental standards, they would be there. And then if you had a situation where a company was breaking those standards, they would be paying very serious damages. That has not happened 'cause of NAFTA.

BILL MOYERS:

Ross Perot, whom as you both know ran as a third-party candidate in 1992 against George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton warned us against NAFTA. Listen to this.

ROSS PEROT :

If you're paying $12, $13, $14 an hour for factory workers, and you can move your factories south of the border, pay one dollar an hour for labor, hire young twenty-- that's assuming you've been in business for a long time, you've got a mature workforce.

Pay one dollar an hour for your labor, have no healthcare, that's the most expensive single element making the costs, have no environmental controls, no pollution controls, and no retirement, and you don't care about anything but making money, there will be a giant sucking sound going south.

BILL MOYERS:

He was prophetic.

YVES SMITH:

Yeah. Well, and the funny bit about his math is that actually one of the things that is distressing, and apparently this is actually worse in the TPP. But the companies had tended to move production even when the economic case was very weak. And so when that happens, what you're really seeing is a transfer from-- you're not really seeing shareholders benefit.

You're basically seeing a transfer from factory labor you're cutting their pay. to the top executives, there are industries like furniture. I mean, when-- think about it. We've got US wood, and the shipping to China, and then shipping it back.

You know, a lot of the values in that wood, you would lose a lot in the transit time, you also lose a lot in flexibility. And people in industries where you've got a lot of US content in things that are shipped overseas and then sent back, and they've said, "The economic case just isn't very strong. But we did it because our stock would get a pop from it."

BILL MOYERS:

During the 2008 campaign, candidate Obama was skeptical about NAFTA. Here's what he said then.

KEITH OLBERMAN:

Scrap NAFTA, Senator Obama, or fix it?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:

I would immediately call the president of Mexico, the president of Canada to try to amend NAFTA, because I think that we can get labor agreements in that agreement right now. And it should reflect the basic principle that our trade agreements should not just be good for Wall Street, it should also be good for Main Street. And the problem that we've had is that we've had corporate lobbyists oftentimes involved in negotiating these trade agreements. But the AFL-CIO hasn't been involved. Ordinary working people have not been involved. And we've got to make sure that our agreements are good for everybody. Because globalization right now is creating winners and losers. But the problem is, it's the same winners and the same losers each and every time.

BILL MOYERS:

What do you suppose is the influence on President Obama that caused him to reverse course on NAFTA and not fulfill what was a campaign pledge?

DEAN BAKER:

Well, I think it's the nature of politics in the United States. I mean, it's not a secret. You know, you have very powerful politically, economically-- people who, you know, are pushing for this. And you know, we saw this with Wall Street, you know, when President Obama first came into office. You know, at that point, you know, Wall Street is on its back, meaning the financial industry.

And basically President Obama had it in his ability to break up the big banks, totally restructure finance, he decided not to go that route. And his top advisors, well Robert Rubin, played an enormous role, you know, as the top executive at Citigroup and formerly Goldman Sachs.

He was not going to go that route because these are the people he was listening to. And I think that's continued to be the pattern throughout his administration, that's he's listening to people with a corporate interest, he was just talking about there. Those are the people who are steering the policy.

YVES SMITH:

I mean, I'd go a little bit further than Dean on that. In that when you look at Obama's record of his campaign promises versus what he's actually done, there's sort of a normal, acceptable level of political lying, and Obama has gone way past what is historically the normal in terms of, you know, politician fudging and then doing something else when they've been in office. This is just another example.

BILL MOYERS:

Do you buy Dean's argument that it is the power of Wall Street? That it is--

YVES SMITH:

I think Obama's fundamentally a very conservative person. The idea that he ran as the anti-Bush because the country was desperate for somebody other than Bush. So he sold what would sell. But he's liberal on social issues, but economically, he's not very different than the Republicans.

BILL MOYERS:

This discussion brings me to the economy. As you both know, the September jobs report, which was delayed by the government shutdown, was weak by all reports. What is it going to take to turn our economy around for working people and middle class people out there who really are in pain?

DEAN BAKER:

Well, we clearly need much more rapid growth, and it's just not on the agenda. And it's sort of like, you know, there they seem to be hoping when I'm saying they, people in Washington, you know, including the Obama administration, somehow something's just going to jump out of nowhere. And the economy doesn't work that way.

So, you know, if we're going to see more rapid growth, you know, it's fairly narrow places it has to come from. You know, are we going to see some surge in consumption? Very hard to see. Is there going to be a surge in investment? You know, very hard to see. Basically, the government's the one entity that has the ability to boost the economy.

BILL MOYERS:

By spending money?

DEAN BAKER:

By spending money. Larger deficits. You know, that this what it boils down to. And that's, you know, you cannot say that. I mean, I've talked to people in the administration, talked to people in Congress, they go, "Oh, I'll get killed if I say that." Well, some of them got to say it because that happens to be true.

BILL MOYERS:

Do you believe it?

YVES SMITH:

Absolutely. I mean, if you want to look at the economy in a very simple way, we'll just get rid of the import-export sector, because for the US, this won't change the story. You've got households, you've got the government, you've got businesses. Households tend to be net savers, because people save for retirement and emergencies.

Businesses we like to think of businesses as being net borrowers, because businesses invest and spend. And then therefore the notion is-- the reason that a lot of people are opposed to government running deficits is that they're afraid that the government will borrow and crowd out business investment.

The fact is that businesses even in the last expansion under Bush were net saving. Which is-- so basically capitalists aren't acting like capitalists anymore. They've gotten so short-term oriented. And in a weak economy, you know, they've got-- they pull in their horns, they don't spend a lot, they don't invest then either.

And now we’ve got companies literally borrowing hundreds of billions of dollars. They've got record levels of cash. What are they doing? They're buying back stock. So this is actually the time government should be running deficits. And yet it's anathema to say it politically.

BILL MOYERS:

Well, why is that? I mean, it seems to me the other side has won the argument.

DEAN BAKER:

Well, they've won it politically. What's striking is they've lost it completely in academic economics. This is an active area of economic research. At this point, there's been literally dozens of papers produced that show if we want to see growth in the economy today, the government's going to have to run larger deficits. So the opponents of big deficits say, "No, that's going to undermine business confidence. So whatever the government does by way of increasing spending, we're going to undermine business confidence , we’ve got consumer confidence so that we'll offset it." People have studied this and, you know, including the International Monetary Fund, which I mention here because not so much that they're just authoritative, but they're, tend, to be conservative.

You'd expect them to typically be on the opposite side of this. They've produced a number of papers showing that no, the current context, bigger deficits will lead to more growth, more jobs. But politically, you can't say that. And I will disagree with Yves on this because I do think trade actually could be part of the story. But here again, they can't talk about that.

If you go to someone in the administration, to my view, if you wanted to see an improved trade balance, get the dollar down. Very simple. A lower-valued dollar means our goods are cheaper elsewhere in the world, imports are more expensive to people in the United States, so we buy more domestically and produce goods, fewer imports.

Exchange policy, exchange rate policy is something we don't talk about. So the two things that could boost the economy, larger deficits, lower-valued dollar, are both things that they don't talk about.

BILL MOYERS:

You both keep saying they don't talk about this crucial issue, they don't talk about that crucial issue. They don't take this stand and speak the truth to us. What's going on?

YVES SMITH:

Well, I wrote something in 2010. I said that Obama believes that the response to any policy problem is better propaganda. And unfortunately, I think this was an illustration of that phenomenon.

BILL MOYERS:

But is it better propaganda to be silent when people can't get jobs that job growth is down, we need to spend money, and they're not doing it.

YVES SMITH:

He won in 2012, even with a terrible economy. So it didn't, you know, it didn't seem to-- running bad policies didn't seem to prevent him from getting reelected.

DEAN BAKER:

And the people in positions of power, they're basically doing okay. I mean, the stock market's up, corporate profits are at near-record highs. So, you know, for the people in power, they're doing fine. So I'm not saying that they're all, you know, like, evildoers who want people to suffer. But, you know, I've been, you know, I'm sure you could turn on the news any day of the week and you'll hear a roundtable like this, you won't be there, I won't be there, Yves won't be there.

And they'll go, "Look, we just have to get through a tough time." And invariably, the people at the table aren't experiencing a tough time. So it's saying, you know, "Those tens of millions of people that are either unemployed or partially employed, they haven't had a wage increase in years, they're going to have to get through tough times." So there's a real disconnect, the people who are sort of making policy, passing judgment on policy, they're okay. It's all these people around the country that are really suffering who don't really have a voice.

YVES SMITH:

Yeah, I think it's even-- and I think to amplify that, if you go to Washington D.C., you know, it's incredibly prosperous.

And most D.C. people, to the extent they leave D.C., they come to New York. And if you stay in the better parts, if you stay in Manhattan, things look fine in Manhattan. Now, you have to not look out the window of the Acela.

I mean, I've you did, you'd see how bad things are. But, you know, it's very easy to ignore what's happening because again, as Dean said, it-- you know, these people all deal with other people who are basically doing fine and they don't hear or have much contact with the people who are suffering.

BILL MOYERS:

Well, this brings us to the upcoming, big fight over Social Security and Medicare. Top Republicans are saying repeatedly that they will be glad to end the sequester, the across-the-board federal cuts that took place earlier this year if Democrats agree to future cuts in Social Security and Medicare. How do you both think this is going to play out?

DEAN BAKER:

Well, President Obama's indicated he's been willing to make cuts in both Social Security and Medicare. But I think he needs something more in taxes than the Republicans are prepared to give. So my guess is that you won't see that. But it does have me very concerned.

These are openly on the table. And you look at the condition of today's elderly, I think you're really hard-pressed to say that they have too much money. I mean, for 40 percent of that people, 40 percent of people over age 65, their Social Security check is more than 90 percent of their income. And these are checks that average a little over $1,200 a month. So to say that these people are doing so well, we should be looking to cut back their benefits or have them pay more for Medicare, that to my mind, seems 180 degrees wrong track.

YVES SMITH:

I think to put it more bluntly: no one is willing to talk about the fact that Social Security and Medicare cuts equal having old people die faster. And that the proposals to do that are indirect. And they've labeled them in technical language so that most people won't realize that's what happening. I mean, chained CPI, you know, that's a “my-eyes-glaze-over” term. And that's--

BILL MOYERS:

Consumer Price Index?

YVES SMITH:

Right, and so that's the mechanism by which the social security is going to be cut, is that the cuts will basically lag the inflation that seniors experience.

BILL MOYERS:

And yet, I can just show you the headlines. President Obama said the other day the country has to address quote, "long-term obligations," that we have around things like Medicare and social security. The chair of the Senate Budget Committee, Patty Murray, Democrat from Washington State says, "All issues are on the negotiating table."

The number two Democrat in the Senate, Dick Durbin, told “FOX News on Sunday” that Social Security's going to run out of money in 20 years, Medicare may run out of money in ten years, let's fix it now. That's Dick Durbin, number two man in the Senate. I mean, it sounds like Democrats are in a bargaining mood.

DEAN BAKER:

Absolutely. The one thing we have going for us is the vast majority of people across the country in both political parties are strongly opposed to these cuts. You know, so that is the thing they have to overcome. So you get 75 percent to 80 percent of Republicans, Tea Party Republicans that are opposed to cuts to these programs.

But just to take the specific points that, you know, Senator Durbin raised, if you look at Social Security, it's gone from being about four percent of our economy in 2000, to about five percent today. It's projected to be about six percent in 20 years. That's because we have an aging population, the baby boomers. We can handle that. That's not a big deal.

But when you talk about Medicare, it's a totally different story. That's being driven by our healthcare costs. We spend more than twice as much per person as the average for other wealthy countries, we have nothing to show for it in terms of outcomes. We have to fix our healthcare system. So talking about “we're going to take this from seniors” is totally wrongheaded.

Now we can go back to our trade deal and say, "Okay, let's get lower-cost drugs. Let's get lower-cost doctors." There are things we can do to fix healthcare. I've been on panels with a lot of these people that go, "Oh, but Dean, fixing healthcare's hard." I thought you were the tough guys.

YVES SMITH:

There's a piece of this that's even uglier, which is that the statistics that everyone relies on, you know, all the people that you quoted, come from the Congressional Budget Office. They're the more skeptical economists who have looked at them, have actually found pretty serious problems with their forecast, that even though they are, quote, "nonpartisan" in terms of not being affiliated with either party, they have in fact taken a very deficit-hawkish approach to the way they put their numbers together. Two economists who are at the Federal Reserve, and they are probably the two most qualified economists in the country, they wrote a paper on the CBO's healthcare cost forecast, and they shredded them. So if you were to use these Fed economists' forecast, you wouldn't be anywhere near as concerned. You wouldn't have the drive to quote, "fix," end quote, these programs.

YVES SMITH:

But I think it's back to Dean's point, that it's actually for Medicare, it's a reflection of the way we do healthcare in this country. And the fact that we've got--doctors are paid for services. And therefore they have an incentive to recommend more services. You've also got a population which is trained to think that more treatment is better.

The desire to intervene quickly, even for things that aren't very serious is very strong here.

DEAN BAKER:

Yeah, I'd agree with that completely. And just making a couple points again. Social Security, I think it's just absurd to think of this as a problem. We're aging. I don't think that's a bad thing. I mean, we could all have us die younger, but I don't think people would really think that's a good story. So that's going to cost money. And it does cost more money today than it did 20 or 30 years ago.

It's going to cost more money 20, 30 years from now. If people of normal wage growth, if people got their share of economic gains, we'd be talking about before-tax wages 30 years out that are 40 percent or 50 percent higher than they are today.

You know, that's not an issue. Now when it comes to healthcare, you know, Yves is exactly right. But the other thing, you know, I think we have to put this in some context. We don't know. And I think you're exactly right that the projections are likely too high. But let's say the Congressional Budget Office projections prove right. I don't think we're going to have morons running the country in 25 years. So if it really is the case that we're looking at these really big healthcare costs, they will be able to deal with that then.

BILL MOYERS:

Well, on what basis do you make such a prediction?

DEAN BAKER:

Well, the reality. However much I might be critical of Congress and the president, we don't have a history of runaway deficits. As much as they like to say, "Oh, we--" we actually don't. You know, and I'd argue they probably did too much. You know, you go back to the Clinton years, you know, they said, "Oh, we got to balance the budget."

And of course they did. But the idea that we just had exploding deficits that, you know, Congress and our president just looked the other way. We don't have any history of that.

BILL MOYERS:

Yves, explain this then. It seems that although the facts and argument may be on your side, the politics of it is going in the other direction.

YVES SMITH:

Well, there's a very effective messaging apparatus. It doesn't include middle-class Americans. I think that's what it boils down to. You know, that the people that the reporters get their information from are the ones that significantly push stories.

And a very significant percentage of the stories that appear for a very long period of time have always been driven basically by press releases or messaging.

And Pew studies have basically found the same thing is true now. That half the stories are literally promoted to the media. And then in the other half, inevitably, if you're a journalist, you're going to call some famous person who's legitimate, you know, to get the sort of plus and minus.

And most of the famous people who are legitimate are, you know, either they're important government officials who are going to be-- who are largely on board with this story, or they're going to be business interests. There are unfortunately very small-- only very small pockets of people who are considered to be legitimate that a journalist would call to get the other side of the story.

BILL MOYERS:

We started with free trade, let's close with free trade. You're on the board of an organization called Just Foreign Policy. And that organization is offering a reward, to anyone who can give it a copy of the negotiating text of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement. Any takers so far?

DEAN BAKER:

Not so far. So the idea here is that we do have people involved in negotiating process, they have access to at least parts of the deal. So the hope is that someone from good conscious, presumably more than, you know, the hope of getting a big reward, will feel, you know, feel the urge to make it public and, you know, the organization Just Foreign Policy-- I'm on the board, but I don't play an active role in running it-- will be happy to then post on the web so that, you know, people across the country can really, you know, in all the countries will have an opportunity to see it.

BILL MOYERS:

So in the last word here, both of you-- the argument is this Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement will ensure a freer flow of goods and greater prosperity. The other side of it really serves essentially what we know about it, the corporate interest. Is that where you come down?

DEAN BAKER:

Very much so. I mean, this really is a deal that's being negotiated by corporations for corporations and any benefit it provides to the bulk of the population of this country will be purely incidental.

YVES SMITH:

There'd be no reason to keep it so secret if it was in the interest of the public.

BILL MOYERS:

Yves Smith, Dean Baker, thank you very much for being with me.

DEAN BAKER:

Thanks for having me on.

YVES SMITH:

Thank you.

BILL MOYERS:

During the Republican hearings on the meltdown of ObamaCare’s website, Representative David McKinley of West Virginia knew what he wanted.

REP. DAVID McKINLEY:

I haven’t heard one of you apologize to the American public. […] Are apologies not in order? […] I’ve just, I’ve not heard the word, I’m sorry. […] Apologize. […] I don’t understand why there’s not an apology. […] But, I apologize. I haven’t heard that from any one of the four of you.

BILL MOYERS:

He got it.

MARILYN TAVENNER:

I want to apologize to you that the website has not worked as well as it should.

KATHLEEN SEBELIUS:

You deserve better. I apologize.

BILL MOYERS:

Considerate, appropriate, and futile. The apology didn’t squelch the partisan tirades or quench the Republican thirst for revenge, their outrage that the Affordable Care Act, that is, ObamaCare, even got this far. But it did provoke some of us to wonder, isn’t it fair to also expect at least a tiny bit of remorse, just a morsel of apology, from the Republicans? As NPR’s astute health care reporter Julie Rovner reminded us recently.

JULIE ROVNER:

When it became clear that HHS would need more money to build the federal exchange than had been allocated in the original law, Republicans in Congress refused to provide it.

BILL MOYERS:

So to get it started, officials had to scrape together money from a variety of other offices. This happened back in the thirties after congress passed Social Security but failed to sufficiently fund the board that was supposed to run it. Republican opponents of ObamaCare have gone further. After it passed they stalked it like Jack the ripper.

In the states, through the courts, all the way to the Supreme Court, which, uh-oh, ruled it constitutional. In last year’s election, when they lost again. But quit? Never. For Republicans, this has become their Alamo.

In July, less than three months before scheduled launch, the speaker of the House, Republican John Boehner, drew one more line in the sand.

REP. JOHN BOEHNER:

ObamaCare is bad for America. We’re going to do everything we can to make sure that it never happens.

BILL MOYERS:

And yet, the darn thing survived, despite the administration’s own serious very mistakes. As Rovner reported, Obama’s people naively figured Republican states couldn’t resist all that cash coming down from the federal government and would decide to create their own insurance exchanges and expand their Medicaid programs.

Not so. Republicans, it seems, have their principles, and health care for poor people is not one of them. Ideology trumped money.

Republicans aside, ObamaCare had its own built-in problem, born of original sin. And some of us have to resist the temptation to say, “We told you so!” Four years ago we said the public option in health care, a kind of Medicare for all, would be easier to launch and simpler to operate than the Rube Goldberg contraption that came to be known as ObamaCare. Rube Goldberg, for those of you under a certain age, was the fellow who designed machines that made simple tasks much more complicated.

Back in 2009, when Obama first became president, polls showed the public option was a popular idea. Lots of Americans were fed up with paying bloated premiums to giant insurance companies that charged us for their plutocratic salaries and excessive profit margins. We wanted an alternative. And once upon a time, so did candidate Barack Obama.

SEN. BARACK OBAMA:

Now, if I were designing a healthcare system from scratch, I would probably move more in the direction of a single payer plan.

BILL MOYERS:

But as President, Obama buckled when conservative Senate Democrats, yes, Democrats, threatened to join Republicans in a filibuster if his plan included a public option.

SEN. BLANCHE LINCOLN:

--that I’m prepared to move against moving to the next stage of consideration as long as a government run public option is included.

BILL MOYERS:

The biggest pill among those corporate Democrats was industry lapdog Max Baucus of Montana, chairman of the Senate Finance Committee. At one point Baucus even had advocates thrown out of his hearings:

SEN. MAX BAUCUS:

I’m sorry. There will be order. Can we have a recess until order can be restored.

ADVOCATE:

--want a single payer system. Why do you insist on spending more money when the single payer will give it to us at the price we’re spending now?

BILL MOYERS:

Still, ObamaCare made its way through the gauntlet of mercenary senators, predatory lobbyists, and greedy corporations to become law.

Rube Goldberg would have been a very happy man. His principle, why do something simple when it can always be made harder, carried the day. And by the time it became law the Affordable Care Act was a monstrosity of complexity.

Sure enough, on opening day, what the Republicans couldn’t accomplish happened anyway. Screens froze. Error messages flew. Data was corrupted. The system broke down, and ObamaCare stalled at the starting gate.

Supporters gaped at the wreckage of their best-laid plans, opponents gloated, and Republicans, of course, called hearings, which any opposition party would have done. But you must note the irony here, the party that had thrown roadblock after roadblock wherever they could and had just shut the government down to stop health care reform, now loudly complained that government wasn’t working and people couldn’t get, you guessed it, health care reform.

REP. DAVID McKINLEY:

Apologize. […] Apologize […] An apology.

BILL MOYERS:

Ok, Representative McKinley, you got it. But wouldn’t a little humility would be in order here? Democracy is imperfect, and we need to work with what we’ve got. And what we’ve got is the Affordable Care Act. We also need to remember that at the outset, big ventures often go awry. Not just in the public sector. Remember when Apple introduced the iPhone4 in June of 2010?

STEVE JOBS:

We’re having a little problem here.

BILL MOYERS:

Steve Jobs couldn’t get it to connect to the internet. Embarrassing, but they worked it out. When Facebook went public last year a “technical error” in NASDAQ’s system delayed the start of trading, resulting in a loss to market makers of half a billion dollars.

And those of you old enough to know who Rube Goldberg was may recall the rollout of the Edsel, a Ford motor company automobile so awful its name still is synonymous with a costly flop.

And let’s not talk about Lehman brothers, Bear Stearns, AIG, JPMorgan Chase. The crash of ’08. Beside those calamities, ObamaCare’s computer problems pale.

Oh, yes, mistakes are made by big corporations and big government. And although I was for something else, something simpler and easier to manage, I’m betting this will get fixed.

As for those strident partisan voices crowing over ObamaCare’s first bad round, ask yourself if those weren’t some of the same voices cheering on the invasion of Iraq and promising victory would be swift and easy. Ten years. Trillions of dollars. And all those lost and wrecked lives. Have we heard any apology?

At our website BillMoyers.com, learn more about America’s secret trade agenda and its impact on you and our economy. And remember to join the debate: what would you say to President Obama about the balance between national security and the possible killing of innocent civilians?

That’s all at BillMoyers.com. I’ll see you there and I’ll see you here, next time.

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