thumbnail of WNYC; Miscellaneous; The United States in a World of Revolt
Hide -
<v Speaker>The role of modern diplomacy and the role of the citizen <v Speaker>are no longer as far removed from each other <v Speaker>as in the past. <v Speaker>Originally, modern diplomacy, which took its start <v Speaker>in the 17th century, reached its heights <v Speaker>in the 80s was the craft for a small group <v Speaker>of specialized, specially trained professionals <v Speaker>who had extraordinary powers given by their monarchs. <v Speaker>Among themselves this small select group, usually <v Speaker>with the same social and educational background, took <v Speaker>care of the problems of the world, at least what the world <v Speaker>was regarded at the time, namely Europe. <v Speaker>Thus, for example, the classic example was ,uh, when
<v Speaker>Napoleon was defeated. <v Speaker>The Congress of Vienna, using precisely these techniques, <v Speaker>set up the Europe to be rich for almost one <v Speaker>century up to World War One, enjoyed peace <v Speaker>without any major war. <v Speaker>The time of that type of diplomacy is gone probably forever. <v Speaker>Social changes and major political changes all over the world <v Speaker>have gravitated towards a new approach in international <v Speaker>affairs. The center of gravity is no longer Europe, Africa, <v Speaker>Asia, Latin America, the United States and the USSR <v Speaker>have emerged as leading powers. <v Speaker>Since World War One, the new approach to diplomacy, <v Speaker>the open diplomacy, diplomacy by conference and diplomacy
<v Speaker>by mass media has become stronger and stronger. <v Speaker>In our present time, people would no longer put up <v Speaker>with the notion that a small group of people responsible only to <v Speaker>heads of the states should dispose of their fates. <v Speaker>War has become total. <v Speaker>So has peace. <v Speaker>Therefore, the citizen today, and especially <v Speaker>a citizen in a demo-democracy like ours, has a special <v Speaker>task and role in helping our foreign policy. <v Speaker>What is it you would ask? <v Speaker>First it is to understand the essence of <v Speaker>the world. Second one is to discuss it with your fellow <v Speaker>citizens. Third one is to participate in the large <v Speaker>number of social, religious and non political or political <v Speaker>citizen groups who deal in public issues.
<v Speaker>Only through these techniques can the <v Speaker>citizen make democracy effective and workable. <v Speaker>Now, the first phase of this, of course, is the understanding. <v Speaker>All of you who have the patience and the time to listen in to our discussions <v Speaker>are automatically started on the right path on the first <v Speaker>one. Let me therefore try to examine <v Speaker>on a one - two- three basis our findings, <v Speaker>refresh some of your memories, and add a few more items which you may want <v Speaker>to keep as you carry on your own interest in foreign affairs from <v Speaker>now on. We have discussed the new role of Asia <v Speaker>in some to some extent and especially we emphasized <v Speaker>the new role of communist China in Asia. <v Speaker>Communist China, which undoubtedly is emerging as a major world
<v Speaker>power. And the ramifications of her relation, not <v Speaker>only with the United States, but with the USSR are are challenging <v Speaker>and new. Let us therefore examine the <v Speaker>trend in Asia and get the overall picture, <v Speaker>which appears to us. <v Speaker>The first point is that the center of gravity <v Speaker>has, as we have said before, repeatedly shifted away from Europe, definitely <v Speaker>towards Asia. <v Speaker>The second point is that U.S. <v Speaker>policy in Asia is in a crisis. <v Speaker>Why? You could say for the simple reason that up <v Speaker>to now, our foreign policy in Asia has been a diplomacy <v Speaker>on an ad hoc basis. <v Speaker>We had no overall policy for Asia. <v Speaker>Whenever the trouble came, we tried to be as effective as we could.
<v Speaker>Sometimes we succeeded. Sometimes we did not. <v Speaker>I should add immediately, to point three point <v Speaker>three is very important. <v Speaker>Remember our discussions and bear in mind that <v Speaker>the traditional fabric of society all over <v Speaker>Asia is in a fast process of disintegration. <v Speaker>There is a gap between the social disintegration <v Speaker>and the need for reconstruction. <v Speaker>This is a crisis situation which has ramifications <v Speaker>to all aspects of Asiatic life, including all <v Speaker>the non political aspects as well. <v Speaker>At the same time, in our world today, Asia is <v Speaker>in a more and more close contact with the modern
<v Speaker>world. The ideas, the technology and the <v Speaker>power policies of east and west of our contemporary world affect <v Speaker>Asia. Now the fourth point is <v Speaker>that whether we like it or not, communist <v Speaker>methods have an appeal in Asia, <v Speaker>especially in South East Asia. <v Speaker>This is a strong statement and perhaps it deserves some analysis. <v Speaker>The prevalent attitude in Southeast Asia and <v Speaker>South Asia as well seems to be that it is the <v Speaker>methods of the West which are more desirable, <v Speaker>but which seem to be less workable under <v Speaker>the circumstances of that area, whereas communist methods
<v Speaker>are less desirable but seem to be <v Speaker>more workable. <v Speaker>Thus, it is not a matter of likes or dislikes <v Speaker>for communism or western methods east versus west. <v Speaker>It is the method of Asiatics trying to find the <v Speaker>most workable, most practical, and the fastest way of <v Speaker>the eleva-elevating themselves. <v Speaker>Now, point 5 will give you additional details. <v Speaker>We have seen in our discussions and you have seen if you studied our <v Speaker>guide to world affairs, that the nations in Asia <v Speaker>have a great diversity. <v Speaker>They are far from being the same. <v Speaker>The masses in China are different for the masses in India, and both are <v Speaker>different when the masses in Japan or Pakistan and so forth. <v Speaker>Nevertheless, in spite of these sharp divergences,
<v Speaker>there are some very important common denominators. <v Speaker>Let's examine what they are. <v Speaker>A. They are the continued poverty of the masses <v Speaker>of people and their lack of opportunities <v Speaker>to advance higher. <v Speaker>B. There is the growing realization <v Speaker>in the masses and modern newspaper, radio <v Speaker>and movie techno technology helps this ambition. <v Speaker>Eh Strong realization that progress can be achieved <v Speaker>and this has become a main political issue all over Asia. <v Speaker>C. Because the social changes <v Speaker>beaky uh are becoming rapid, living patterns <v Speaker>change and new social interrelations replace
<v Speaker>them. Asia is realizing that her own <v Speaker>all value is value set is no longer valid. <v Speaker>The individual feels extremely insecure. <v Speaker>There is a vacuum in Asia, not only political, <v Speaker>but social and in many cases cultural. <v Speaker>And D. All over Asia, the <v Speaker>states both old and the emerging new states, states <v Speaker>which came into independent existence since the end of World War <v Speaker>Two. They all lack the necessary trained <v Speaker>specialists for public administration, engineering, <v Speaker>public health, education, etc.. <v Speaker>In other words, there is a great lack of trained men and <v Speaker>women in an vast area which is trying to
<v Speaker>adjust itself to the 20th century. <v Speaker>Now these are common denominators all over Asia. <v Speaker>[Page turns] Perhaps there is one more point <v Speaker>I'd like to emphasize as a common denominator and this is point E. <v Speaker>And that is the prevalence of very strong <v Speaker>nationalism all over Asia. <v Speaker>That nationalism has again, two characteristics <v Speaker>which are also common denominators. <v Speaker>They both accentuate the sharpness, the intensity <v Speaker>of nationalism. One of these characteristics is a general <v Speaker>intolerance towards the minorities. <v Speaker>The second one is a strong and tight foreign sentiment. <v Speaker>And this manifests itself in public life as well as in foreign policy. <v Speaker>This entire foreign eh feeling has a strong
<v Speaker>anti Western and often specifically anti American edge. <v Speaker>Asiatic non alignment with East and West <v Speaker>has definitely this strong anti foreign <v Speaker>nationalistic feeling. Um, <v Speaker>point F is the last one in this common denominator, and that is that <v Speaker>all of the countries of Asia depend on the <v Speaker>outside world economically. <v Speaker>Their raw material production may or may not be adequate, <v Speaker>but the lack of processing industries, basic transportation, <v Speaker>etc. makes it impossible for them to be self-sustained. <v Speaker>They have to get help from somewhere from the outside. <v Speaker>Well, this was point for now. <v Speaker>Point 5, about Asia in our summery is the following.
<v Speaker>How does it look like to the citizen sitting here in New York City? <v Speaker>What will happen in Asia? <v Speaker>Probably again, I would like to put it on an A, B, C, D <v Speaker>basis. Point A is undoubtedly <v Speaker>as times go on, the trend seems to indicate that <v Speaker>Asia and the states of Asia are becoming <v Speaker>more and more important in world affairs, while <v Speaker>the present leading powers, namely the United States <v Speaker>and the USSR, are to lose some of <v Speaker>their importance. This is the tendency. <v Speaker>Now B. <v Speaker>There is a tendency for greatly increased contacts <v Speaker>with the United States, and this will result <v Speaker>in a rather keen awareness of everything. <v Speaker>American. American attitudes.
<v Speaker>American actions. Happenings in America. <v Speaker>This in itself is a message to the citizen. <v Speaker>What we do at home, how we do it, why <v Speaker>we do it, is now a matter of discussion, criticism <v Speaker>in faraway countries, even in Asia. <v Speaker>C. There is going to be a continued and increased contact <v Speaker>among the states of Asia with a decrease <v Speaker>of some of the present sharp divergences like uh <v Speaker>Pakistan and India. <v Speaker>And D. <v Speaker>There is definitely in the cards a development <v Speaker>for a new phenomenon. <v Speaker>What I would call a new Asiatic power <v Speaker>politics. And this will be based on
<v Speaker>three main Asiatic pillars: India, <v Speaker>communist China, and Japan. <v Speaker>These three are emerging as major powers <v Speaker>in world affairs and they will become the first time in history <v Speaker>the countries who will play major Asiatic <v Speaker>world power rules. <v Speaker>Therefore, this seems to be the overall trend in Asia. <v Speaker>Well, what else? <v Speaker>What is the conclusion of this? <v Speaker>If this seems to be the trend, if these are some of the things to look <v Speaker>out for <v Speaker>what can the citizen do to as(sist), [page turns]to help, to participate? <v Speaker>How far are we or are we not on the right track in Asia? <v Speaker>I have in front of me a study, a study prepared <v Speaker>for the United States Senate for the Committee on Foreign Relations,
<v Speaker>which was prepared for committee use recently on our foreign policy, <v Speaker>United States foreign policy, in Asia. <v Speaker>And here are some of the recommendations which I <v Speaker>felt would deserve your interest. <v Speaker>I will only give you the very gist of it. <v Speaker>There are [page turns] altogether as far as recommendations <v Speaker>are concerned four major groups of recommendations. <v Speaker>The first one is the following. <v Speaker>The United States should take the lead <v Speaker>in concentrating all the assets and talents <v Speaker>of the free world to assist the nations of Asia. <v Speaker>The programs for such help are no <v Speaker>longer programs of financial aid alone. <v Speaker>They are programs of combination of knowhow and training
<v Speaker>of Asiatics themselves. <v Speaker>The second one is second recommendation is that although substantial <v Speaker>U.S. aid has to continue for about a decade <v Speaker>or so in Asia, there are non-governmental channels, <v Speaker>private trade investment, which should play a growing role in this <v Speaker>trend. <v Speaker>Multilateral cooperation should be given greater opportunities <v Speaker>and support by the United States. <v Speaker>Multilateral, that is, that regional organizations <v Speaker>within Asia, economic, social and <v Speaker>if necessary, political unions within Asiatic <v Speaker>people should get the backing of our foreign policy. <v Speaker>The third point is that the United States <v Speaker>and this is a main point I'd like to explain. <v Speaker>The United States must find means of taking into
<v Speaker>account more uh more effectively <v Speaker>the attitudes of Asiatic people than we did up to now. <v Speaker>Recently, you may have seen in the newspapers some studies about the <v Speaker>problem of foreign languages in our diplomatic service. <v Speaker>The Soviet diplomat in Asia is more often <v Speaker>than ours able to speak to the persons in their own language. <v Speaker>We have a pathetically low rate and it's not the fault of our diplomatic service <v Speaker>up to the past. We did not take the trouble into <v Speaker>going in this. We felt that we could handle <v Speaker>the affairs of Asia in English just as well. <v Speaker>This was true in the past. It's not true today. <v Speaker>And it's not only the actual technical part of <v Speaker>it. Asiatics do speak in English and especially eh Asiatics in <v Speaker>governmental service do.
<v Speaker>It is a deeper going significance which I would like to <v Speaker>stress to you. Uh this, incidentally, is my own comment <v Speaker>and is not part of the report which I referred to. <v Speaker>Asiatics, <v Speaker>like every ancient culture which is <v Speaker>trying to adjust to the technical needs of a modern <v Speaker>age, have a complex certain amount of shyness, <v Speaker>and they feel living and thinking in <v Speaker>symbolism that it is a special respect. <v Speaker>Its special value given to them by <v Speaker>a westerner. <v Speaker>if the westerners, wherever, wherever he comes from, takes the trouble in <v Speaker>learning their languages. In other words, learning an Asiatic language not <v Speaker>only means the technical means of communication <v Speaker>between human beings. It also means, and this is my interpretation of this
<v Speaker>recommendation, a deeper understanding of how Asiatics <v Speaker>think, why they say what they think. <v Speaker>Remember in the past, the white men could disregard <v Speaker>the colored man in Asia. <v Speaker>He could feel that it was the white man's burden to take care of Asiatic <v Speaker>problems. And there was some rather old fashioned <v Speaker>attitude which may have gotten past the Asiatic criticism <v Speaker>in the 18th and 19th century. <v Speaker>Today when we are facing 400 million people in China. <v Speaker>Almost 700 million uh in a I'm sorry, 400 million people in India. <v Speaker>Almost 700 million people in China. <v Speaker>This is ridiculous for us to adopt the same attitude. <v Speaker>Asiatics are very sensitive. <v Speaker>It is our it is our vital interest to understand <v Speaker>them, understand their cultures.
<v Speaker>To try to see Asiatics not only in terms of the ratio <v Speaker>of bathrooms and telephone sets, as important as they may be, not <v Speaker>even the TV or the radio sets. <v Speaker>There are other values, too. We do not have to adopt them, but <v Speaker>we have to give them at least the respect due to ancient civilizations. <v Speaker>This has not been given in the past, and that's where the citizen <v Speaker>can do a great amount. <v Speaker>It may range from visiting a Japanese movie <v Speaker>to getting a record or so far Eastern music, or joining <v Speaker>a society uh which is interested in fostering the culture of Japan <v Speaker>or India or any other part of Asia. <v Speaker>In other words, it is the human interest level with the people in Asia. <v Speaker>This may become very effective, sometimes at least as effective <v Speaker>as making out a check or sending over the cash. <v Speaker>This is one thing we must bear in mind.
<v Speaker>[Scribbles] One more recommendation which this Senate Foreign Relations Committee <v Speaker>study gives, and that is that non official organizations <v Speaker>and individuals should do their own role, especially on the cultural <v Speaker>and business level. <v Speaker>This means exactly that our government realizes <v Speaker>that governments as such are restricted travel <v Speaker>to Asia, welcoming visitors from Asia, <v Speaker>exchanging cultural uh cultural offerings. <v Speaker>This type of citizen to citizen approach is much more effective <v Speaker>in the case of Asia than it may be to many other continents. <v Speaker>Let me try to emphasize one more factor from this study, which <v Speaker>struck me quite strongly. Uh the <v Speaker>study feels that we have to expect
<v Speaker>China to emerge within the next decade as <v Speaker>a major world power, whether we like it or not. <v Speaker>As far as our China policy is concerned here, again, <v Speaker>the citizen's role is very important. <v Speaker>I should clarify it and repeat myself once again. <v Speaker>This is not a matter at this point whether our government should <v Speaker>or should not recognize the government in Beijing. <v Speaker>This is a matter of consideration for all of us citizens and our government. <v Speaker>But this has no longer the importance it had perhaps <v Speaker>a half a dozen years ago. <v Speaker>What we have to do at this point is to face realities <v Speaker>in China. Some of our newspapers, especially in the metropolitan area, <v Speaker>have given excellent reports on what is happening inside China. <v Speaker>Frightening, frightening picture, indeed,
<v Speaker>a gigantic economic, social, political <v Speaker>upheaval. The sacrifice is enormous. <v Speaker>But if you remember some of these reports which you have eh, <v Speaker>you have read in the last week of November and early in December <v Speaker>in one of the local major daily newspapers, you will soon find <v Speaker>that what is happening there is a gigantic <v Speaker>effort to make a first rate industrial <v Speaker>nation out of backward agricultural country within <v Speaker>a decade. The sacrifice is enormous. <v Speaker>The very low living standards of Chinese peasantry are <v Speaker>lower even more. <v Speaker>Intellectuals, pro-Western, Chinese or just the plain old fashioned Chinese <v Speaker>are sacrificed ruthlessly. <v Speaker>As far as our values are concerned, such price could never
<v Speaker>and should never be paid. <v Speaker>But the value scale of the Chinese communist leaders is different from ours. <v Speaker>We have to expect that while they will not succeed <v Speaker>in all these all the purposes they have set <v Speaker>for themselves, they certainly have a chance not to fail either. <v Speaker>In other words, there will be a new emerging China. <v Speaker>A new emerging China. And it may be the task of the USSR <v Speaker>to put [background noise] a leash on the communist China, somewhat <v Speaker>like we ourselves did on Joan Kai-Shek China some years <v Speaker>ago. <v Speaker>If the Soviet Union's attitude is sincere, <v Speaker>namely they are anxious to avoid a major world conflict, it <v Speaker>is their interest also to pacify and keep China <v Speaker>quiet and refrain from any major belligerent action.
<v Speaker>As far as we are concerned, and this is the last point I would like to <v Speaker>make. We citizens have to realize that if <v Speaker>the situation in Asia was China I just referred to in the center of <v Speaker>it is changing as rapidly as we see it, week <v Speaker>by week, naturally, the attitudes within Asia <v Speaker>are also changing. There is emerging, I think, <v Speaker>a major Asiatic superiority complex. <v Speaker>We all may live long enough to see Asiatics feeling somewhat <v Speaker>sorry and sad for Westerners. <v Speaker>And of course, Westerners as seen from Asia would include the Russians <v Speaker>too, as being just hopelessly technologically minded and <v Speaker>even in that respect, somewhat backward nations. <v Speaker>Because, after all, how can the manpower resource of the USSR <v Speaker>or the United States or Western Europe compare with the
<v Speaker>manpower potential in Asia? <v Speaker>Once you have the basic industries, this reservoir <v Speaker>of human resource is almost frightening. <v Speaker>In other words, very soon I feel the situation <v Speaker>will change. It will be the Western countries who will have <v Speaker>to take heed of what the people of Asia wants to do. <v Speaker>And it is our interest as citizens of the world and citizens <v Speaker>of this country to be proud of our Western heritage and <v Speaker>at the same time be tolerant and understanding and sympathetic <v Speaker>to the human yearnings of Asia. <v Speaker>My conclusive note is we have to take into consideration <v Speaker>that at this point we are still the one country <v Speaker>which can offer to these new nations of Asia, not only a friendly <v Speaker>hand or cash, but know how, understanding,
Please note: This content is only available at GBH and the Library of Congress, either due to copyright restrictions or because this content has not yet been reviewed for copyright or privacy issues. For information about on location research, click here.
The United States in a World of Revolt
Contributing Organization
WNYC (New York, New York)
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia)
If you have more information about this item than what is given here, or if you have concerns about this record, we want to know! Contact us, indicating the AAPB ID (cpb-aacip/80-75dbsj8d).
Queens College Professor. Companion piece with 43247 Values We Live By. Described as a prelude to a nation of individuals facing up to the problems of a world neither at peace nor war. Discusses the rise of Asia and South Asia as a future economic superpower.
Event Coverage
Acquisition Source: Peabody
Media type
AAPB Contributor Holdings
Identifier: 43246.1 (WNYC Media Archive MDB)
Format: Data CD
Generation: Master
Duration: 00:28:42
Identifier: 43246.2 (WNYC Media Archive MDB)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
Generation: Master
Duration: 00:28:42
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia
Identifier: 59020edr-1-arch (Peabody Object Identifier)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
If you have a copy of this asset and would like us to add it to our catalog, please contact us.
Chicago: “WNYC; Miscellaneous; The United States in a World of Revolt,” WNYC, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed June 26, 2022,
MLA: “WNYC; Miscellaneous; The United States in a World of Revolt.” WNYC, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. June 26, 2022. <>.
APA: WNYC; Miscellaneous; The United States in a World of Revolt. Boston, MA: WNYC, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from