Challenges to Democracy; 8; Concentrations of Private Power

Challenges abrir slyen lyf. Xiaokod yn lawerth, o fywod wedi hun daelod cael hynny rhaid, horgen chi fathaginingaol gyflynid s riddaleŚar i gystos i cynn M Geldgio'r llawer y agyrattir andgylloré Earnest Sear It bod yma'r Prado-aul i'g pan fo eilai fel ordidquin ym'n the examination of democracy in the contemporary world. The studies of the center have ranged widely over all the institutions of modern society, the Church the Corporation the labor union the military and government seeking to know the conditions of freedom, the grounds of its growth, the threats to its survival and the changing forms of freedom itself. Before we begin part 8 of challenges to democracy in the next decade, we would like to repeat the remarks made at the opening session

of the Convocation by Emil Robert, Co- chairman of the Fund for the Republic. 4.0a Ro Tapald Ac esperm yn dymi gymau, a fe'n dalforcebrie grigdor a ny parleidioforsbaden powrnepwy o be— fel ddwliant, derbydiad eu blaethchio, fyrtonboliad miserablefyr, fel henna, gidedwyddор, competitivefyrfantio beth, a DinoRil'92s yn bosig falst wynn gobyn wneud beth��, ddiolgyffeld, mae'n dodatio filafaf defnyddol i dynnaeth gwylai ar gyfer, ennill gyrch.] Ydcyth shallad o gwneud läch wedi p Yousfil. Este Isol a亜chol pan gy willaye zeilingcalm agedarno odsyddu eich honno yn andrygyllu amies iedn signals Roedd unconsciousol pforddiwrnau er y gallu aethau ames gymraeselol syd i beth wyntaurop traibol y dweudodydf onto arser feid�an defniad, oedd gylaiden fel meitholau amsburau eu conceitwodadeh en roedd dydol rosיס— fwahan, kypus yn minaithol

Caribyani cyffiwr. Y hinten pan ar oddoddoeth mynd � Y Mammenhysgol. Øg lesare Yesar expansion. Mae spottedol oedddeg eroedd eu emblem. Mae'n diiro weld a busbad Welsh cyffiwn clymon reservations. cookedweetio a нагyddag ouolidio oem closure beth pan o'ed un cwer i'r Syniag siff. Wr-di ond egoed fear. Diolg fwaodr? Mae diaff hwn Ieyiyu Cl 200 m in Пwg. Mae'n rhaniaeth yw gwrs Fly Dance Hollow yng�. Cholfb di, ni mro'n un Iey cyffaillius. On o gada wedi gydongu trynddeg gani음 yn música. y — yn yng Nghymru, turniny sefy Éw baperudyddil s кот ylwair. Os i'n iys y ngad y fyddio sylfaeth llak statu, dwi'n g 병 grantedat am fel fel mae yhwnw雯 datfwŭ Aelidaeth sydd genna ystiaeth Lleруз Botraweithiah i Cyfyti'i Roedd Csiaeth Yng Ngad hefyd o y te牛 a sy'n idryg. tiger coelwerst genna yna. ص Dolol fforddaggerytau idd canaeth discussiaeth roedd fel dyna pododir a ffordd comput fod o gallain oln não da o lenaeth hwn focused rhaeth yo'n gyda maiwrydder. Mae'n gall efo hawd i eisiaatem gallan fel romolafedd enad ym wediometrefb chaputol o gorau'i argynod wediuno ffur o reactivesdeithoddonud y gallnod rep leben.

Mae'n gallan babiesafau rythrygo i bu半oliol yn yr llif wedysby Effortin Bloo'r Fyredd ar y ma rotation ein eu gallo fel fel unraeg. Mae'n cykanau ei dod 모d. Mae'n gallan fel reîst myn y dyma sech zwn i hyn ai growl poddi imaginefu i minarni'ch i brech conti ffud 조심odraẵl ei y mae'n cystriätz enthusiasm посмотрodraife gydirau llefnod. Mae ang Papagiaeth i'nmeal hס Wirodrai'n ein nhw'n لهail. Mae chynowr ac Cynddoedd a mi'r eti, c що llabor edrydwaf angen yn amell yn mantef hwyr'n eitau ac fod yn ceisua salt, wrth i'u edryddio unhwynd prithau mewn mewn am�n bydd hos i'i mieto er yna dŵm lŵrryg cyliad repairingu aelau. Mwddai cy ersrygforo bau sydd â fel dintio veg female a yn arstod i wrth personne eating Can Crete Goods a Lwyd. Eich universo amser o dim eitau asre, mewn pithgewn. Maedat i'n effymud ar ymrai o'r fy Elena reil?

Felly, fy un ar chaedliag, â wedi lit o'nildol medfa reu foo wedi cael sent Жor би asriagill beholda, a reido nid begani i'r officially o trw Wrap̶aint lla systemoli. Trorth er a'u surprisingot. Brother Hans ennach i'w'r gwbel s summat amdeeng? magi caeliedaholau'n yng разбbl おirio. Mae'n, terminologyu qué west關係 y rhoi talfanc trebaκ wyng神. Mae'i ngw pwede mo ym labdau y llywerio i'r sylதymolio a'i ddeullunio? Distom allo rwy'n okr ystafio nud deall o mi'n cael cwedag iawn nwlunio factory in needau. Mae pedyyau ymdirio gyt headw neu failedasaeth irritatedio felly au mae'r rei bethau'i mewn i'm… Rwy'n Seflant

gyd cuwbola newais. U'n g sac, mae'r brydol'a Magu'r eg DJ yn'n brydol'a gwerant yn noddem wedi senti. Cyn am e amna ddoedd Eyeó ganau arlyshg Modem yn gw wegiau'r gyda oeddai yn lotysistぁ postero y skewn fab barherei ag Year a'r gwydda ni g— Mae bod yn gwid countdown hayraeth y rhe hawd arau med лagod neighbours y unegwaith llw armw'r gyfer a castol hwnd mardpreud Aye Джosyddi Still onid ar gan d니ddi i G eu fwy suivna. mink mwyn e i gwbl a hef unnw gallwch yneileu oi credu o'r robot ac a ddi goti diann un牛 o fikrika wynau pairnau greu, fyma fry systemsies a gindiw XXI,

nyl wrth Syntaf a eu hydryd i medwy'r Rhysedu Fund i dyd yna wedi��magyn hon medwy tahan pob syd arall o roi sefyllwraith, 12 fel uBodru'r slotu y cwyniadol mewn i'r call Ins yn i'r siwych cómot? Win ac ciąbau Pan GenedduoeddIS ymweith fythlyraith yn cylodion o'r robot ac o feithiarnio neu'i'r ch casesis ei gy Magegioedd dittir yn pr魔 seus i," wahanrowatio fellais rydym a'i diŵan am sydd eu'r Alliebleb am eu add Ny Ond cynnyny anghydd i'r Mackoegius i Cychwfright Allies? Mae'n brožewnau werodol ac ystwartiaidd, ac mae fyddwyr eisiau cwyauyn canadolynorau ac sydd rhywbeth gwy 여�daeth ymfyddiad meddwl וה prophetigoliad Domur aufa tylwraith un s Memoriau Chódd ei wneud ac mae Catendraeth Ys Star Br不好igioФawr sydd ychar y dangut, wedi achos hyrhigh admission

fŽamroedd. Roedd llun eitar eitar gnar ddiw i dd worldwideol oedd hwnn ddw i watis i gan reth ar welg gyda ni wedi llawer warвар o ac i'r wirsafie oen göyren hyd iedd eu dysfin ni損 roedd yn pliers ac an amdo medicitaad cypleg o'r Ungeidelst sent bi PC. Mae eich raan hyrgu mewn am Meet Wandard כu poct a'r gandor gyfer mechanisms oírう y Gisebyrg Minorits ar llaiddadig a'r llaidd magnets yn yn mynd bywko'n llaidd doen llanau mwyn sielwion wneud odyfchw moderator o swydlo'r bathti canos mae'n seratt derall reacts percentage to i fel lathau fel wreizidio fel ward

a fwy relatedaisdol cfordd y lhawn ddim ni felly'n cael mewn hynny fel ar y my disput o ffogor hopeless pon o golopio ac expert �� mae eisiau cyflumin am ein sw биol o skilled siol ni y uniid ayol syarddedd o Freum bawl interested my unde i ddryd ag un ar maintain taiso'r trest enormousyeo ddar​ ac eigenlijk, at habi hann Fromis cyntafoshodd蚊 i wedi llegion oed Ск週 qua felly'm anida il yο时 grill a un oedd diolch ben adailing крonygus yżau ac hirla ran anida nad naadadegu cebunbfer hwn gyffeld vagrwael 겠n itbitewaidd syd itaf hanra. Ys gynni daeg hynny, gwerdus to де eith, a gu Official Good手fiad, a eithemir grfbord securedl itaf senti gwrando eraid gan nhw'n anhageth ddolionnu syd i si fully

hwb i syd i 치 wedi gwerdwydd a'r mynd no ar eithet steg hefyd ei fod o gyfi gahanir ei d이다. Oidd baf leid iauedd a bethod bethod. Hefyd ei fethaf lengerbhaidd. Oud wrth yporgaf leid hynny, Now I told you dramatic work and the power of don't you wishing we were that smart. This brings to my mind yet, it felt Administration. Once upon a time, a group of us had built and were about ready was about ready at Rephurion. zam kapi atol. Hornson var ro развio'r gallu h своedd bwisio, hirdio hird to vom שwaán gyffoldiomouthi料. Hirdio'r gallu oughuliown os i'r g branchadeud edgekelu'r gydig,

oым gydig a'r obility bod y Gimny. uponth yn rgos y ddiddag, gydig gyffoldio Nothing-twёлro'ó gydig wedi'u, blaegas i'n hanoshau wedi llawer amch headyn�wn wneud yd learni na ych currenthafo'n hoe a'r na fixa pernachio'i o chfra Ysuniaithio yw'n wewn i codai'u credu fydw'm. Rehnag yw mewn、fa i dimnu hwriws sy'n blaegu ryd pan sydd ei madu o leipenohagu daFrant am yn llaion cochrofnem o win掉ig i amogaethu p le sizesae sydd yzzu'r oes! Oracle became a nilaill unwspacef y bych gan approximate rwut wedi'i. Methti gwiltri gus ymanc na anyig wedi a'u g�ain o'r mae'r mewn bwyd. Sba fel a condodstwaad a ysfereldi'u'r hyn o' mladd ymfya mewn bwyd. Miss Amas was the floor of the

wall. Whether this was a concentration of private power not I never was quite able to make up my mind I know one thing it didn't work. We have here today with us three Whnch yan boriñ tiol gwnau dod. O lebni hりandar rozeullid. Os g one vacuum. O wneau olw iosti r Seti'i. Nieau'n gallu nu fنyn ni nhwbail o pressingar ni am niech os yng pendaarna, hi'n sydd yn hafondr, unwa winnerad ni fiew ddeidud. bun wneud sy'n trefo gyda b鬴rwel folionnau, neu gyda fi'n ddolidag ym blindnessig a dro y мерdoeddurersад.

Antoni, i'n gyda'r apirle i tôinau weith Jetlwis anghawraeth. Yna i'r naedlaet굴 lwsaethau, rhywb olyyddoedd gaw laiaeth beth maximio gwaithelsan i'na unid gwiliethac, maindill o'r g Shout hail ongyma. �데 con am y pithaeth bar Sarah his pick cyydraeth i'n tu Bapt genyt a fi'r gol ynyaau Fine atọ a'r aif ff i'r gwybod aedor wedi discretio i'r premplomb dvaile a i'r aif ff med resistance groifau a'r dwo realidad ni'n cof wneil sy'r ac patel £5 pedigweim o doble unblar o ganau £5 Frasawn.

Diwebадadau £5 pedigweim o ganau £5 coer eleveniob��'r wnau i'n ond ultrion, Mam gynoth Abertfar am 2 ddyd busio de áithoedd Diana bands mé' i'n eu'r spellis o degylai'n 9 ddwb eich juiceau Gynothau ungoldo, wedyn nhw i'n musnu brorlyddai wer ond ça- Hefnus spokeni ond kdi ddyn ni'n mewn bormedig, hadefnaeth hunir so ynega meddwlad pethuaeth, maeth Ewiroraethお'n pw�, hefnus oeil ear��? Iollych hora hon enn dd Io sefynau'r ôl chwwsh

ia i hon ar twig ar ganddooo a fag off a una gwffllpo bu mewn aio gyda'r mewn aion rms yn gallu'r Tellt ioster 50L y ddigit a drin uncommon cin押 붙nad o 120 carvear gydnw y آd Gyffr yng Nghymru. Cymru enghryd eu iawn fel agoraiddio o'r llittle genisedig dd Cold Live. Os foldwyr ar gyffreneid 19араol genosed ahestionar cynnwch er y ddyn syg assigningo am fusar ddigit a'r hynny. Sciencesally working onig ac ym yn sefydig â dd group mafen wedi a proeddorf. ― syllableportu 않아요 ― talnegan i'n eu yglygu ar yr i grawu ideaol a mae eraid ar ranc ar yr unriffan o su ieth yw foyd jo ar angen can Office Sayafynau bob'i myn, no hwn, a gall ydygo misti gan eelwr drewtych chi'n b (# four ☀ logistics

o gallu fan 50 Guangstra gondol i fel oed yn icolmio yn alllon oedol. Poli mynd i fel i lwym fan i Совrece, ac DNA a Satan bach i lwnos, goddol iψau operated felly mynd ein yr widen. Avgil o Ro armadied�dishionau nws meddenwayni. Uithiraeth yn f Antar vita i iawn fel llawer gynalleru emergebydd roi wided ar unrhyws i fyt na fewn i shusffio du offernau y cheer. About our democratic society will find the problem of concentrated private power. Professor Burleigh's answer is by imposing restraints on private groups through a broad interpretation of the constitution or possibly by new legislation. eitating cyfryddiaeth iaethi gyda buWho! Mae'n profysig y razor yn gallu g ears �� Mae'n armod yng Nghytw,SEE Polit priests yn cael borde—

Rhymn am ni fel ei ff sew waith ar hyn. Mae'n ceis yn ac bordeurrwll? Mae'n ghee i bud! ن cael hyn unig! Mae'r trynaeth y h götw rof rhanr'n palam! at hwn yn p �� Dyn sy'n p Wiederont cynllun graduate Frot airplane foورi ei ôl fel cyflwynr owedyn b Sinn gwy guestau meith Geithio. Mae hwnnw enw i beth hwnnw i bi beginsdydd y cyMryddoeg, ja crackingol i'n전�iaid Feidiatricidi Ieun yw di Mid Scoutenctrago verte. Sowo mewn gw war Cantнуw Celsius, honny dweud talvez hwn ar uneki i'r prenghydda far yn system o'r vibroloizawearadus ar y pene! treesg yn ar ast yn ddiolaf, yr ei fellyna Ddi giwr â'r dyffoli boryd.

Yearach fyneurt yn yffanyn pethyn ei'r at�를adu'r ffede o'r gw Claid mewn Sidoddorn Boeir Foundation. Cynniad ddiad apbrill 3 reithind dwig 여adgan o'r modna doن seriaffandraeth i'r 1a italiol wrna gweithio confused wli pwm yn yr yr clywfi cymarld ar gyda chi try flatten borad wna i yst wrth adcos andry a pan wrth gwynt mal fych immigrants when trên' wedi chosen o dod прогgol o'n galed ref Romeo хw Softwarea da. Ond y ddisyddiwch i mewn ar wer i bywg o'r gwiraill maedd a hwyszętodiaillan ei'r Andrew Rwla. Mín ar y prosysbord ac syli o rden maethiau fel y dduno yn mynd wne wrth brwynau'w trwy'r awydwrs o'r freddau нем y re கaint amser gyda'ch am yn m Yeafon Ferdinodd mewn gwonddyddulat��도 Catチ phatioedr Yd Tir bias

i gyda Fi'r brwynn rhyma'r 모든 o'n anghen dim yn yr hefyd? Ash yn shaimefogaeth ray, mae gallnill yn arwedig i chi'n sioliau dael ran'n mwy hyn gyd rod dal ran yn fisthaf o'n caes. Mae'r养wyd itul ei 시�nau bod yn es? Mae ychyd yn fpleigio m�af ei ddeimon. Rhaerddwys, itethyd yn rhid yn ei mungою ac ganyfnu, o'r wy Dwir gefnullaeth era a'r bachal, y gallwn o'r wy Fen y Clweddu ddiwis gydoliant a continu a'r cyf Presidingoedd a fiberbl baker. Hon dod y a ddod yn kwi' i'n ddu ynnoor oes i cystu dim racразen. Nidai wedi gan y cyfle, racist fe holl ei,

ein oedis cy miel sut worriedau sy'n visig i'n eisiau cant. Ym wonau sgil ja fynd. Dwi'nm nid y funglo a' gwein mostenst, Chy ddechre�lar â fe gall i off馬rossa d far away lwch ieBOFGreen o'r i'n midrum- storma'r aas y ddyfynor astag cadw i lanewis jurydd amag fel quewerdol eu wedyr. Class o ddechgoralu feb Grot años ymder a ddwyhau eio cynneliaeth, o'r grab writesnau putema prigedau barriers, Mw ĺf Tw dwi'n humae, mpa expecting jôpiedain yn ffasud i me苛r ifg jau ycha chi wneud. Ten ampsor to mano ampsor a gynnol oes a'r sholeglieddooden eater. Ydedodon gyda'm vior oes yn g germsion ffagda mewn mewn mewn frustrated i eitol? It would in effect become a price fixing board.

If on the other hand, it's so called fact finding reports, worm practice floated with any frequency, the next logical step would be to seek compliance by imposing sanctions. In all probability, the ultimate result would therefore be o'r B a'r Vos Network a'r Prysfixing by the Government and sooner or later a wagefixing as well. The spread of such regulations over prices and wages would severely limit the freedom that Americans have traditionally enjoyed. To be sure, once the scope of business decisions on prices and wages is curtailed, businessmen will make fewer mistakes. That does not mean, however, that government officials will make better decisions than would the businessmen immediately concern. Nor does it mean that when economic mistakes are made,

they will be corrected as promptly by government officials as they would be by a businessman. Low adder are always subject, even in oligopolistic industries, to competitive market forces and pressures. One unavoidable effect of a proliferation of governmental controls over economic life, and this I think is where Mr. Ruth is proposed to land us, one unavoidable effect would be a redirection of the energy of business executives. More and more of their finest hours would be devoted to cajoling government officials or to contesting or circumventing governmental edics instead of to developing new markets or experimenting with new processes or with new and improved products, activities which alone serve to build a nation's economic strength.

Efficiency therefore would suffer, and the higher rate of economic growth to which our country aspires might well remain an elusive objective. If my analysis of Mr. Ruth's Price Board proposal is anywhere near the mark, I hope he will reconsider his advocacy of it. I also hope that he will re-examine the factual premises of his proposal. The causes of inflation during recent times are many, and is simply not true, as Mr. Ruth earned in his formal paper would have as believed that the large corporations have been solely or mainly responsible for it. Surely the policies of our government and of our trade unions have also contributed heavily to inflation. There can be no escape from the fact that between 1947 and 1961 labor compensation per hour in our private non-formed industries doubled,

while the increase in output per hour rose only 42 percent. If the increase in wages had been closer to the increase in productivity, the price level would now undoubtedly be lower than it is. Economic power has many dimensions, but the one that underlies Mr. Ruth's proposal for reviewing price advances is an alleged ability of corporations, or at least the large corporations, to appropriate an excessive share of the community's income. I am sure that well-informed and reasonable men will agree that instances of this sort exist, but I deem it a duty to point out that the power of corporations to earn a profit when viewed in the aggregate has declined sharply during the post-war period. In fact, since the tax rate on corporate profits is high

and substantially above what it was in 1948, the share of output available to stockholders has been much lower, and the deterioration of profits has been even more serious. This deterioration of profits is, in my judgment, the most serious obstacle to attaining the high rate of economic growth that our nation requires to achieve and maintain full employment. I am afraid that unless profits improve and improve materially, business investment in you and better tools of production will remain retarded, and so also will the number of jobs and the flow of better wages to our working people. Let us not forget the simple but profound lesson that other countries have learned from our nation's history, and which even some socialistic

countries are now using to conspicuous advantage. The lesson is simply whether we like it or not financial incentives, our are a powerful force in economic life. A nation which aspires to great economic achievement should be practical enough to hold out the prospect of attractive rewards, to enterprise, innovation, and investment. I regret the time does not permit me to examine the other interesting proposals put forward by Mr. Luther. I do have our want to congratulate him on his plea and behalf of greater democracy in our trade unions. I also want to express sympathy and agreement with his objective of reducing the impact of technological change on the lives of individuals. Experience has demonstrated

that this can often be accomplished by careful planning. This is an area in which some management and labor groups have been doing constructive thinking and experimenting. It is also an area in which effective cooperation between corporations and the representatives of their employees can be and should be widely extended. Thank you. Mr. Luther Burns has said that on the platform there seems to be no representative of our corporate management group unless it be the mutual life insurance company. Perhaps I might be permitted to comment myself upon what Walter Luther and author Burns have discussed which we

might call the price-making process. Certainly again and again, I have had to come back on the public aspects of price-making to something that long ago they taught us at the Yale Law School that there was no such thing as a fact except one selected for a purpose. This is just another way of saying out of the billions of individual incidents that might be called facts. As soon as you start to select the particular ones that you will emphasize, of course you will select them in relation to a purpose. This is the way I guess the human mind

operates. Upon three different occasions I have served in Washington myself on the governmental side of the problem of trying to determine prices. As a youngster I thought it was easy when I was first with the Petroleum Administrative Board of the Interior Department. I learned to my sorrow that it was anything but easy. Indeed during the war we used to say that an OPA economist was a man who drew a bright line of logic between a set of false assumptions and a set of preconceived conclusions. And a good deal of the process does again and again seem to go that way. Once upon a time there was a Federal Oil Conservation Board that considered legislation relating to

the conservation of oil and it was drastically opposed as you might imagine by some of the larger oil companies. Their point being that if you had to solve the problem of future oil supplies there was really no problem at all. All you had to do was to raise the price of gasoline. Even Calvin Coolidge was said to have remarked that that might all be true but it was a terrible plank upon which to run for re-election. Our next panelist is the Secretary of Labor. Having served a few times myself as I have indicated to you as a what do I say a bureaucrat? At least as an ancient bureaucrat I think I have some minor understanding of some of the problems of private power with which he has been confronted in recent weeks and is probably likely to be

still confronted with so long as he serves as Secretary of Labor. Secretary Words. Thank you Mr. Marshall and in view of what you say I suppose I'm entitled to interpret the applause as a vote of sympathy more than anything else and surely that'd be a good many of you here who might well suggest that any effort or any ideas I have to bring to bear on this matter of concentrations of private power could better be directed to the dock and the newspaper strikes than to this forum where I have been ground up a little recently in this interplay of private power and the thought even occurred to me that my enthusiasm on this panel might reflect the judgment of the committee that the most expert witness on the subject of egg beaters would be an egg. I have only a few footnotes to add to the discussion so far and if they are too obviously they

product to the moment I may hope that you will as taxpayers perhaps forgive you'll charredably toward what you might consider inadequate as an audience. I am not the member of the panel who disagrees violently with everything that was or vigorously with everything which was said by Professor Burley Mr. Ruther I understand the thesis of the two papers and it is almost a common thesis to be along these lines that there is here an acceptance of the fact of private power that there is an emphasis on the fact that this power is becoming increasingly indistinguishable from public power and I am indebted as I am sure we all are to Professor Burley for his identification of the parallels between the problems of the economic republic and the political state. I take it as part of the common thesis that we will not approach this problem most constructively through an identification or through an emphasis on the structuring of this power

and I am sure that there will be in the audience some concern about the fact that the discussion has not gone beyond Arthur Burns discussion of it very much into the matter of the breaking up of the units of power but I take it that it's a deliberate suggestion by the two speakers that that is not the most constructive approach to this problem then I find an assumption that there must be restraints on the uses of such power and then finally a suggestion that the most constructive of these uses will lie in the area of self-restraint of one kind or another. I understand that to be the approach and with that general approach I would agree. I would add only these very few footnotes especially because I realize that our time is passing at the point where whatever I say is it Mr. Heilbrun this expense. Just then these few comments first with respect to this matter of the responsibility of the corporate and of the union members. I'm intrigued by Mr. Ruthish statement that the UAW shares the view that while both unions and management have separate

responsibilities to workers and stakeholders respectively they both have a joint responsibility to the total community which of necessity transcends their separate responsibilities and I'm reminded Professor Burley of the debate between you and Professor Dodd on which I grew up as a law student. I'm glad to find out what a fact means at the Yale Law School. I didn't realize that there was a suggestion there that a fact is only something which is selected for a particular purpose. ours was a different discipline Mr. Marshall and we were eliminated at Harvard by the by the debate between then between Professor Burley and Professor Dodd's about whether the responsibilities it was then in terms of the corporate directors whether the responsibility the corporate director was to his shareholders or whether it was to the public at large. I wish there were time to develop that same question and larging it today to include the union leader and whether the responsibility there is to the member or to the public at large I find two quite

easy answers to these questions one is that it seems to me that the obligation ought to be or at least ought to include responsibility the public at large but I'm frank to say I seek comparatively little of it in practice in connection with any of the particular disputes at least which develop. I have an idea that the responsibility of the leaders of the labor and the corporate community the responsibility to the public is much more clearly expressed for example at the monthly meetings of the President's Labor Management Advisory Committee of which both Arthur Burns and Walter are members and then it is in connection with the particular disputes which arise at least in those matters as I listen to the discussion this morning and try to identify those expressions of responsibility in the current disputes which occupy the nation's attention I should be forced to the conclusion that in those I see very rarely in the in connection with the heat of a particular case the expression of any responsibility except to the particular group the shareholders on the one hand or the membership on the other

it's too bad to make that point which was the object of oh a continuing series of law review articles to make it so briefly as surely not to be persuasively persuasive and to make it at least to the extent I'm afraid of being indiscreet but there is a basic problem there and I would hope that it could enter upon a larger enter into a larger consideration of this problem. My second point perhaps includes what may seem an equal degree of cynicism or practicality depending on how you view it there have been references here to the effective expression of the public interest and Walter's reference this morning to the enlightened public opinion I'm frank to say that 20 years of attempted representation of the public opinion leave me with at least a very well not pessimistic but not very encouraging view of the effectiveness of the forms of the expression of public opinion I refer to the establishment in the New York newspaper case of a board of public accountability I have great admiration for the exercise of that function by that board it would be the dictative necessity to recognize that it did not

contribute materially in any ways as far as I know to the conclusion of the dispute that's very possibly because of the nature of the particular circumstances but beyond that it seems to me that we fool ourselves to a considerable extent when we rely or seem to rely on any suggestion that there will be in a particular crisis any effective kind of expression of the public interest there are several reasons for that it's unorganized and it's unidentified and when you have an attempted expression of an unorganized view or an unorganized expression rather of an unidentified view you don't have very much to count on unfortunately the public interest is in the area of largest concern to me the public interest is very largely and almost exclusively in terms of the settlement of a particular dispute and does not go tall substantially beyond that I called your attention to the fact that 15 years ago the nation was in an agony of concern equal at least to its present state about the problems in the coal industry and there was

a strong feeling on the part of the public about the problems in the coal industry as there is in industry general today in general today there has been almost no public expression of concern about the problems of the coal industry labor relations since 1950 the date of the last strike I don't suggest that there is reason for concern but you don't know whether there is or not you were concerned when there was a problem of an eruption of work you are not concerned very significantly at most other points and it seems to me that's factory which has to be taken into account I do have the feeling that there is a growing emphasis today upon the recognition and the effectuation of the public interest in matters of this kind and I refer to the labor disputes particularly there is an increasing feeling that our tolerance for waste our margin for error in the economy is going down or is narrowing the consequence I think of the pressure is the international pressures both those we identify with the concept of a cold war and those which we identify in terms of international competition I think the public is more

concerned than it has been before it still seems to me that we reckon with the necessity of or that the fact is that in most of these situations there is not a very effective implementation of public concern at least when the moment of crisis has come it would seem to me that the most promising answers to the problems which we face taking again Walter Ruther's agenda or a list as an illustration the most promising answers lie in the area of increasing private responsibility in connection with matters in which there is no difference between the private interest and the public interest and that's a very broad area I think that most of the decisions are dictated by a kind of iron law of economic necessity rather than by any reference to the public interest as a whole and yet surely there is increasing evidence of an identity of private and public interest in a good many respects the problem I believe gets distorted to the extent that we think about a public interest which is separate and apart from the other two

interests in a labor dispute there's a semantic problem here and one to which I think not enough attention has been given I see the answers more clearly if I think in terms of a common interest rather than a public interest at least a public interest separate from the others these I simply make these know these points and pass them very quickly recognizing the lack of some coherence between them again in the interest of time but in that connection there's one other point I want to make and it would be an enlargement of Walter Ruther's emphasis on the kind of experimentation which is going on in the Kaiser steel company today with the steel workers I suggest this fairly interesting thing about the last four major disputes which we have had in this country or four of the more recent ones the steel the dispute in the steel industry in 1959 the airlines problem which occupied us through a good deal of 1961 and 1962 presently this longshore problem on the docs and presently the New York newspaper case it's an interesting

thing that in all four of those cases there has been central emphasis on the desirability the imperative necessity of working out better procedures for the future so that in the newspaper case one of the issues on which I think there's probably substantial agreement is that there should be some kind of unity of collective bargaining among the various unions involved with the newspapers involved in the duck case in which I hope that there will be very shortly a settlement one of the items on which there is already firm agreement is that the problems of automation manning job security manpower utilization in that industry must be made the subject of a two-year study which will include the implementation of that study in the party's agreement for the next contract period similarly with airlines and Walter has mentioned the steel situation I think there is tangible evidence and a very broad basis of the inclination of the private parties to follow up along the lines of responsibility which are identified here and now just very briefly

and in conclusion to other points which seem to me basic to the discussion it is a fact Harvard fact which perhaps begs the question that if there were peace and if there were full employment in this country I think the problems which we're talking about here today would arise hardly above the level of irritants now I say perhaps that does beg the question because perhaps particularly with respect to a vigorous economy the problem that we're talking about here is part of the root structure rather than the tree itself and yet it's significant that I say if there were peace in this country today and if there were full employment or if there were a complete use of the potential the capacity for production in this country today I don't think we'd be bothering very much about the problems which we face and finally I can't help realizing as I think over the papers and over the remarks which you said here that we have done much more about posing questions than we have about suggesting answers if you don't mind

I couldn't think when you helped thinking when you identified Alagapale with your Euripides of an old boyhood story which perhaps I should better have forgotten but it's the story of the Taylor the Taylor Shaft and the man who came into it and the Taylor said Euripides and he said yes humanities we've talked more we've talked more this morning about Euripides than we have about humanities and that's unfortunate and yet it's within the spirit of the structure within which we work it is not in any sense model and I think but to remind ourselves of the basic structure in which we operate the problem of the best answers to these questions do lie in the continuing study of the democratic institutions in the work of the fund for the republic and in meetings on the challenge of democracy for it's perfectly true and obvious to all of us that democracy like life itself is an act of faith which doesn't justify our being passive about our performance of that act which does suggest that we be as

purposive as we can in our approach to it but which does suggest to that the basic safeguard is a vigilant attention to some problems which we can't answer thank you I can't resist responding to the secretary's needle about the difference between Harvard and Yale in the manner in which the course in law is conducted some years ago a thermon Arnold went to Harvard to address the annual banquet of the Harvard Law Review as the reports came back from Harvard it was to the effect that Thurman had started his address by saying at Columbia they had the situational approach to the teaching of law at Yale they had the functional approach

to the teaching of law and that he suggested for Harvard that they adopt the sits to functional approach which combined the worst features of the other two I've been saving what I hope will also be a controversial panelist till last we know him as a brilliant economist as a writer and without more ado Mr. Hybril I will bring you on to the platform I have the advantageous disadvantage of being low man on the totem pole in addition to which the two main speakers both departed in some respect from their printed remarks which I had a situously studied so that my rejoinders would have been briefed beside the point in addition to which I'm obviously identified as the man who disagreed violently with

everything but all my disagreements have been taken care of I'm going to speak quite beside the point I'm not going to dwell any longer on the issue of prices and outputs which has perhaps properly engaged our attention until the moment but throwing aside my notes and speaking as the spirit list of them move with me I just want to itemize three problems having to do with this overall problem of the concentration of power which to my chagrin have not been mentioned the first of them I would put under the rubric of an assault upon the individual emanating from private concentrations of power but not included within Dr. Burley's list and this is an assault to which I give the name no let me first describe it it is an assault which takes the form of a change in the way a man in this society thinks of himself there was a time and

it now seems to me a dim long time ago when I do truly believe that an average person in our society thought of himself first and foremost as a citizen I do truly believe today that an average person thinks of himself first and foremost as a consumer I do believe that one of the extraordinary products of our society has been its capacity to invent and distribute the world's most powerful instrument of mass education and convert it into an avenue for the disposition of goods and I cannot but look upon the fact that my children looking at the great silver screen already mock that stentorian and phony seriousness with which products are sold to them and already have taken as a point of departure in life disbelief in what a man says in direct ratio to the so-called sincerity with which he says it this is not of course solely and wholly

the problem of the concentrate but it is surely intimately tied up with the existence and perpetuation of large aggregated economic power and no one has mentioned it I think I should I move second to a point in which again I take my departure in the sense from Dr. Burley's paper and this has to do with the degree of approbation if you will with which we look upon the system as a whole and there is really no dispute I think between Mr. Burley and Mr. Ruther all things considered we say it's not a bad system Dr. Burley even gives it the name of a kind of economic republic a creation of free men and I know precisely what he means because I am myself the product of that republic and have received its benefits I dare say there's not a man or woman in this room

who does not also share in the vitality and growth and creativity and enjoyment of that republic which can in fact be traced to these massive aggregations of power with their curious mutual coexistence and and the ensuing outpouring of goods but I would suggest that there is another republic in this nation of whose existence we have only recently become again alerted it is of course the republic of the poor it begins at about 96th Street in Park Avenue and travels northward there was a while in our recent history when we were all of us I think myself included so infatuated with the success of the upper republic that we tended to forget about the lower republic I think this is as true of those in the labor movement as it was true of those in business and in the groves of academia but recently as these things are a rediscovery has taken place

and we have come to realize with a shock that fifth fourth to fifths a large fraction of our nation lives in another republic now I'm not exactly sure myself what is the connection between the two republics the republic of the poor and the republic if you will of the great and successful power aggregations but I suspect there is some relationship and I suspect there is and should be some responsibility and since this problem too which seems to me of considerable importance was not raised I tack it on the wall and now I wish to bring up the third problem which was also left untouched there was a good deal of consensus come all speakers as to the prospects before us we will we will model through but a great deal of our capacity to model make progress however we do something called marching forward depends it seems to me

on the ability of men in power business power private power government power to think in new frames of reference we live in a world which is quite clearly seething in ferment that's the plug for my book we live also in a national community which is disastrously undereducated and yet forced to cope with formidable problems in a world we are faced with that dreadful cliche of our times challenges the word challenge has become the contemporary synonym for the 19th century word opportunity it's what people fling out meaning very little by it usually we talk about the challenges only in order to say after certain amount of lip service to the difficulties that we will of course surmount them in other words talk about challenges is largely a kind of pep talk but I submit that the challenges are real challenges in the sense that they may not be surmounted

the revolutionary world presents us with problems of adaptation not all of our own choosing which was strained to the hill our ability to formulate new methods of international operation our the coexistence of two republics at home in the face of a world grappling with the technology rampant and the revolution abroad again asks us whether we can be content with an educated a semi educated and over entertained electorate to answer these problems one cannot simply say with a kind of bland assurance all has gone well in the past and therefore it will go well in the future the stimuli which have often impelled us to great social changes are not present today we do not have a depression nor do we have thank god a war the two great agents of social change if change is to take place and if adaptation both at home

and abroad is to take place more than in most junctures of history it will depend on the capacity of those in power to change their minds to make up their minds it will depend in a word on the ideology of those who are at the apex of private power and this problem too I find unmentioned I've tacked three problems on the wall and being in a happy position of being only a critic thank god and the last critic and with time running out of me I don't have to answer them nor am I sure what answers I would give there are questions indeed as secretary worked said whose purpose is to stimulate a democracy to stimulate the adrenal glands in a democracy it seems to me that our adrenals have been running very low these days and I hope that questions the very questions that I have put will do something to make us all think more painfully thank you you have heard Arthur F. Burns who is the John Bates Clark Professor of Economics at Columbia

University Willard Woods United States Secretary of Labor and Robert Heilbrunner author of the worldly philosophers the future of history and the greatest scent recorded by WRVR in New York at the 10th anniversary convocation of the Fund for the Republic Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions on the next program you'll hear Newton and Minnell chairman of the Federal Communications Commission Barry Bingham editor and publisher the courier journal and the Times Louisville Kentucky and William Benton chairman of the board and publisher of Encyclopedia Botanical Company speakers at the 10th anniversary convocation of the Fund for the Republic if you would like to know more about the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions you are invited to write to Dr. Robert M. Hutchins box 4068 Santa Barbara California this recorded program was produced by Riverside Radio WRVR the Metropolitan FM station of the

Riverside Church in the City of New York for a broadcast by the Educational Radio Network the National Association of Educational Broadcasters the Voice of America and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation this is the Educational Radio Network