George Wallace: A Politician's Legacy; No. 2; Convenience or Conversion

<v John Lewis>When we arrived at the apex of a bridge and <v John Lewis>we could see a sea of Alabama state troopers <v John Lewis>as we walk closer to the line of state troopers, a major <v John Lewis>identified himself as Major John Cloud, who said, I'm Major John <v John Lewis>Cloud. This is an unlawful march. <v John Lewis>I give you three minutes to disperse and go back to your church. <v John Lewis>In about a minute and a half, he said troopers advance <v John Lewis>and they put on their gas masks and they came toward us. <v Unnamed Commentator>You'd have to understand the political mood at that time, you were walking a political <v Unnamed Commentator>tightrope. Governor Wallace knew what was right. <v Unnamed Commentator>I knew what was right. The sheriff knew what was right.

<v Unnamed Commentator>But the political mood at the time and the frustration of, you know, it's easy <v Unnamed Commentator>to look back to date 20 years ago and say, you should've done this, that and the other. <v Unnamed Commentator>Had you been here 20 years ago. <v Unnamed Commentator>And when I'd see the outspoken people out there wanted resistance, <v Unnamed Commentator>they wanted you to stop. They want the government to resist. <v Unnamed Commentator>They want to be a local police to resist. The sheriff to resist. <v Unnamed Commentator>The moderates and your business leaders, that now say what should have been done, they <v Unnamed Commentator>were here then, too. But they stayed in the background and they would meet with you at <v Unnamed Commentator>night because they were worried their cash rations weren't ringing, but they would not <v Unnamed Commentator>stand up and speak out and open. And what few elected officials did have gone by the <v Unnamed Commentator>wayside. <v John Lewis>Right after the confrontation at the bridge. <v John Lewis>?inaudible? 765. <v John Lewis>Some of the young people, high school students and others wrote a little song <v John Lewis>called old Wallace, old Wallace, you never can jail us all. <v John Lewis>Segregation is bound to fall. <v John Lewis>And uh that became the rallying cry <v John Lewis>for hundreds and thousands of young people and people not so

<v John Lewis>young to direct our attention to organize a <v John Lewis>much more massive effort to make it from Selma to Montgomery. <v John Lewis>So in a strange way, Wallace did play to play a role because <v John Lewis>he did become a focus point. He became a symbol of resistance. <v Narrator>Plans for a second march began. <v Narrator>And this time Martin Luther King would lead the way. <v Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.>Selma is the focal point, Selma is the heart of the black <v Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.>belt. <v Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.>Selma is a symbol of the resistance to the right to vote. <v Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.>And for that reason, I will have to be here to march with you tomorrow <v Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.>morning in Selma. <v Narrator>After a series of litigations in Judge Frank Johnson's court, the march was finally

<v Narrator>allowed. It was scheduled for Sunday, March 21st. <v Narrator>Judge Johnson ordered the state of Alabama to provide protection for the marchers. <v Narrator>Wallace decided to seek federal help and flew to Washington to meet with President Lyndon <v Narrator>Johnson. <v Lyndon Johnson>We exchanged views on a variety of subjects. <v Lyndon Johnson>I will be glad to go and those with <v Lyndon Johnson>you a little later at my press conference. <v Narrator>Burke Marshall, special assistant to President Johnson. <v Burke Marshall>Governor Wallace, while he was in the White House, at least, was <v Burke Marshall>for a moment looked like a man of history. <v Burke Marshall>Man of the moment, man accepted his role of responsibility. <v Burke Marshall>When he got back to the state of Alabama, of course, he said he didn't have enough money <v Burke Marshall>to do what what he in fact, sort of told the president he <v Burke Marshall>would do with respect to helping

<v Burke Marshall>provide security for the marchers. <v Narrator>Once again, the state's power had been relinquished to the federal government. <v Narrator>On Sunday, the march began with more than 4000 participants. <v Narrator>By Thursday morning, they were massed in front of the state capitol in Montgomery. <v Narrator>As the state's legislators looked on, Martin Luther King addressed an audience of more <v Narrator>than 30000. <v Narrator>Noted black author W.E. Dubois had predicted a concentration of Southern <v Narrator>effort by actual force to deprive the Negro of the ballot or <v Narrator>nullify its use. <v Narrator>On August six, 1965, President Lyndon Johnson signed <v Narrator>the Voting Rights Act, which outlawed such resistance. <v Narrator>Selma had made the new law possible. <v Narrator>As Wallace's term drew to a close, his popularity was immense. <v Narrator>His liberal spending policies in defiance of the federal government, enhanced

<v Narrator>his appeal. Alabama law prevented the governor from succeeding himself. <v Narrator>But Wallace needed to stay in office to boost his candidacy in the upcoming <v Narrator>1968 presidential election, so he tried to push <v Narrator>a succession bill through the state legislature. <v Unnamed legislator>Could it possibly be that standing up to us might be <v Unnamed legislator>in some rare instances, standing up for Alabama? <v Narrator>Senate filibuster blocked its passage and despite his efforts, Wallace lost <v Narrator>his bid for reelection. <v Narrator>As the 1966 gubernatorial election approached, the leading candidate <v Narrator>appeared to be Senator Ryan deGraffenreid, sr. <v Narrator>He had lost to George Wallace in 1962. <v Narrator>However, deGraffenreid was killed in an airplane accident while campaigning. <v Narrator>Within a few days, a new hopeful announced her candidacy. <v Lurleen Wallace>Ladies and gentlemen, I will be a candidate for governor

<v Lurleen Wallace>of Alabama. <v Lurleen Wallace>My election would enable my husband to carry his programs <v Lurleen Wallace>for the people of Alabama. <v Narrator>Lurleen Wallace had recently endured a bout with cancer, but appeared in good health. <v Narrator>Wallace was soundly criticized for the decision that made his wife a candidate. <v Interviewer>Whose suggestion was it, hers or yours? <v George Wallace>Well, I came here one day at the mansion, upset, <v George Wallace>tired, worn out. <v George Wallace>And I said, honey, let's just go ahead and not fool with a <v George Wallace>succession matter and go on back to Clayton and for years now maybe we run again. <v George Wallace>She said now listen. She had two couples eating lunch. <v George Wallace>She said, I don't care whether you want me to run, now I've gotten 5000 letters <v George Wallace>ask me to run, and I'm going to run.

<v George Wallace>I can win without you. If you don't want to be for me, I'm all right anyway. <v George Wallace>So it wasn't my idea, my original suggestion, to <v George Wallace>her. But she insisted on doing so. <v Bob Ingram>Lurleen was such a dear person, she enjoyed going out and meeting the people and, and I <v Bob Ingram>think toward the end she got a little excited about it. <v Bob Ingram>But to say that she said, let me run and I'll do <v Bob Ingram>it and all this is hogwash. No way. George wanted her to run and <v Bob Ingram>he knew what he was doing. <v Narrator>Most rallies opened with a short, prepared speech by Mrs. Wallace, then George <v Narrator>took over. <v George Wallace>There's more in this race and the election of my life. <v George Wallace>Every large newspaper in this country has written that this is a fateful election <v George Wallace>for both national parties. I can tell you, as I told you in April, <v George Wallace>they've got an inferiority complex. <v George Wallace>They are ashamed of the people of our state. <v George Wallace>They feel like something about this, like G-R-O-W, you know, that Get Rid of Wallace <v George Wallace>?inaudible? that organized in Atlanta. <v George Wallace>They don't think Alabamans are somebody ?inaudible?

<v George Wallace>they were glad to have you all here. We hope you might convince them not to get rid of <v George Wallace>Wallace. <v Narrator>They didn't get rid of Wallace. <v Narrator>In fact, the election was no contest. <v Narrator>Lurleen Wallace won in a field of 9 candidates with no <v Narrator>runoff. George Wallace made no bones about his role in his wife's <v Narrator>administration. Her main purpose in holding office was to provide <v Narrator>the springboard for her husband's 1968 presidential race. <v Narrator>This time, Wallace would run on a third party ticket. <v Narrator>Wallace said the purpose of the American Independent Party was to force the national <v Narrator>parties to give the people a choice. <v George Wallace>So our movement is not spotty. It's not sick. <v George Wallace>No, it's a national movement. <v George Wallace>And you can rest assured that the other two national parties in the country are <v George Wallace>very concerned about this move because they know that they have not given <v George Wallace>the average citizen of Kalamazoo a choice. <v George Wallace>I'm not on a candidate platform. <v George Wallace>They have paid more attention in the last number of years to those few people who had <v George Wallace>more voice in national and international affairs, then to the fine people

<v George Wallace>of Kalamazoo in our country. So we are going to win the election on November fifth. <v George Wallace>Don't you worry about this. <v George Wallace>You just have to read it and weep my friends, down front, because it's true and I want to <v George Wallace>say you're outnumbered in this country and you're outnumbered not only in Kalamazoo, but <v George Wallace>you're outnumbered throughout the United States. <v George Wallace>Everything's fine. <v George Wallace>Everything's fine. Glad to see all you young folks here. <v George Wallace>I think that that's right, you need to see a good barber. <v George Wallace>You need to go to the barber I think. You need to see a good barber. <v Narrator>All third party movements face inherent problems, and Wallace had his own special <v Narrator>difficulties. He had to combat his racial image, convince people <v Narrator>that their vote would not be wasted, and he had to get on the ballot. <v Narrator>Each state required different qualifications from third party candidates. <v Narrator>Wallace picked one of the toughest first, California.

<v Narrator>Press Secretary Bill Jones helped devise the strategy. <v Bill Jones>The press of course followed Wallace, they didn't go to the offices. <v Bill Jones>They didn't know where the work was getting done. <v Bill Jones>The press kept writing that we would not get the job done, but we kept a <v Bill Jones>daily total. We knew how many people had registered each day. <v Bill Jones>And course, they had to be certified by the Secretary of State in Sacramento, and <v Bill Jones>they stayed 2 or 3 or 4 weeks behind. <v Bill Jones>So the press never really knew what we were doing out there, which was all right with us. <v Bill Jones>We didn't particularly care whether they knew or not because we wanted to get the job <v Bill Jones>done. We, we ended up with well over 100000. <v Bill Jones>The charisma around that man motivated the staff a lot of times. <v Bill Jones>A lot times it turned us off. He's not the most grateful person I've ever known in my <v Bill Jones>life, he seldom said thank you for <v Bill Jones>doing things he, he expected. <v Bill Jones>And I must say, though, this. He expects you to do the job and he turns you loose to do <v Bill Jones>it. He didn't interfere much with doing the job.

<v George Wallace>What has it got to be in this country that only knows who ?inaudible? <v George Wallace>only those who occupy a position <v George Wallace>in the Bureau and Washington are the only ones who know what <v George Wallace>is good for your child and what's good for you. <v George Wallace>And, you know, one of the issues in the country today? <v George Wallace>Is this group of pseudo intellectuals that we <v George Wallace>find on some college campuses. Some with pointed heads ?inaudible? straight. And we also <v George Wallace>find in some newspaper editors' offices and on some <v George Wallace>judges' benches. We find them saying that we must write a guideline <v George Wallace>for every working man on the street. <v George Wallace>The ?inaudible?. The beautician. The barber. <v George Wallace>The field worker. The textile worker. The timber worker. <v George Wallace>The postal worker. <v George Wallace>We must write a guideline and tell them when to get up- when <v George Wallace>they get up in the morning and go to bed at night. <v George Wallace>Well, the average man in Arkansas in the country doesn't need anybody to tell them when

<v George Wallace>to get up in the morning or go to bed at night and they're going to find that out <v George Wallace>in November this year in this state and throughout the United States. <v Narrator>Wallace's <v Narrator>efforts shocked re experts. <v Narrator>He succeeded in getting on the ballot in all 50 states. <v Narrator>No third party had ever done this well. <v Narrator>But tragic news from home spoil the celebration. <v Narrator>Lurleen Wallace again had cancer. <v Narrator>Alabama's governor was in a fight for her life. <v Narrator>She flew to Houston and checked into M.D. <v Narrator>Anderson Hospital for treatment. <v Narrator>Wallace was torn between campaigning and caring for his ailing wife, <v Narrator>and he was criticized for not giving up his political efforts totally. <v Narrator>Anita Smith covered Lurlene illness for the Birmingham News. <v Narrator>She saw a very private side of the Wallaces. <v Anita Smith>They were in a period where they were spending a lot of time together. <v Anita Smith>Both of them knew that this was precious time, that she

<v Anita Smith>might not recover, and they laughed and joked <v Anita Smith>and he hovered. He was nervous. <v Anita Smith>He paced. I can see now pacing those hallways of M.D. <v Anita Smith>Anderson. He conferred with the doctors. <v Anita Smith>He talked to them. He asked her over and over, how do you feel? <v Anita Smith>How do you feel? Are you alright? Are you alright? <v Anita Smith>And yeah, he had trouble after. <v Narrator>Wallace kept campaigning and the pace picked up. <v Narrator>He was gaining support and according to one reporter, Wallace was becoming <v Narrator>the most powerful and secure Southern politician since the fall of the Confederacy. <v George Wallace>We're not going to allow hundreds of American servicemen to be killed every week in <v George Wallace>Southeast Asia. <v George Wallace>That's right, throw something else. You're a real fella throwing things. <v George Wallace>That's right. <v George Wallace>You better throw them now because you're not gonna throw it after November 5th, I can <v George Wallace>tell you that much.

<v George Wallace>I can take anything you anarchists dish out. <v George Wallace>You remember that. You remember that. <v Narrator>Wallace had struck a chord and not just in the South, as he had discovered <v Narrator>in 1964, the South resentments were not a regional phenomenon. <v George Wallace>There is no excuse or grievance for anybody in this country to give him the right <v George Wallace>to destroy the imperative of two 200 million people. <v George Wallace>And when the national Democrats and the national Republicans tell you that we must <v George Wallace>remove the causes and the reason then they in effect, saying <v George Wallace>you have a cause and a reason to burn the city down. <v George Wallace> And I'm tired of saying you got a cause and a reason, because there is no <v George Wallace>cause and reason other than this. <v George Wallace>You know what the cause and reason is, it's criminalities. <v George Wallace>It's militants and activists and anarchists as revolutionaries and it's

<v George Wallace>communists in this country [drowned out by applause]. <v Bob Ingram>Some of his most faithful supporters out in the boonies probably never spent more than 20 <v Bob Ingram>seconds shaking his hand in their life, but they'll fight you for it to this day. <v Bob Ingram>They remember he's, he's, he really knows my problems and wants to <v Bob Ingram>do something about them. It's marvelous. <v Bob Ingram>Gosh, what an evangelist he would've made. <v Brandt Ayers>Through George Wallace, it was them who were outsmarting <v Brandt Ayers>that fast talking smart ass Yankee reporter from CBS. <v Brandt Ayers>You know, the South is winning. <v Brandt Ayers>I am winning. I am finally having my day. <v Jack Nelson>Wallace knew I was from Talladega, Alabama, and <v Jack Nelson>so he, he kind of used me as a prop a lot of times, you know, he'd look <v Jack Nelson>at me out there and say, there he is <v Jack Nelson>out there from the Los Angeles Times.

<v Jack Nelson>Says, look at him, I made him get his haircut. <v Jack Nelson>And, you know, I had a flattop haircut back in those days. <v Jack Nelson>And, uh, so one day, about the third time he had said that after one of his ro- <v Jack Nelson>rallies, I said, well, Governor, I said, how come you always tell people that <v Jack Nelson>you made me get my haircut? I said, you know, that I've always had a flattop, <v Jack Nelson>long as you've known me. And he said, well, let's put it this way, about half what you <v Jack Nelson>write about me so, so about half what I say about you so. <v George Wallace>Wallace's platform called for the election of federal judges and cuts <v George Wallace>in the federal bureaucracy. <v George Wallace>The platform also proposed a firm hand in Vietnam. <v George Wallace>Wallace emphasized that point when he chose Gen. <v George Wallace>Curtis LeMay as a running mate. <v George Wallace>LeMay previously commanded U.S. <v George Wallace>bomber forces. When his candidacy was announced at a Pittsburgh press <v George Wallace>conference, Jack Nelson asked LeMay about the use of nuclear weapons <v George Wallace>in Vietnam. <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>I don't believe the world will end if we explode a nuclear weapon,

<v Gen. Curtis LeMay>and on the other hand, I don't want to explode one unless we have to. <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>As a matter of fact, I don't want to stick the rusty knife in anybody's belly until I <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>have to either. <v Jack Nelson>Wallace heard this and he could see he was having a problem. <v Jack Nelson>Wallace usually, you know, pretty well, was able to handle himself in a situation like <v Jack Nelson>this. And so he he ran back and he said, well, now he said, wait a minute, the General, <v Jack Nelson>he don't know how to handle you folks. <v Jack Nelson>I'll take you. I know how to. And he tried to pull General away, but General LeMay <v Jack Nelson>wouldn't be pulled away and he stayed back there and answered 2 or 3 other questions. <v Jack Nelson>And frankly speaking, I think scared the hell out of a lot of people because he sounded <v Jack Nelson>like if he got in there, you know, maybe he'd be willing to drop the a-bomb. <v Jack Nelson>At least that's what a lot of people thought. <v George Wallace>Mr. Nelson, he hasn't said anything about using nuclear weapons. <v George Wallace>And we-. <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>Governor. <v Unnamed journalist>Governor, give us a base out of one ?inaudible? <v Unnamed journalist>if you wouldn't mind. <v George Wallace>General LeMay be glad to answer your question. <v George Wallace>I didn't get the question. What is the question? <v Unnamed jouranlist 2>I was asking the Governor if he agreed with what you said.

<v George Wallace>He said that you agreed to use nuclear weapons and I said ?inaudible? <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>No, I, I gave you a discussion on the phobia that we <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>had in this country about the use of nuclear weapons. <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>I prefer not to use them. I preferred not to use any weapons at all. <v Unnamed jouranlist 2>If you found the bomb necessary to win the war would you use it? <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>And if I found it necessary, I would use anything that we could dream up, anything <v Gen. Curtis LeMay>that we could dream up, including nuclear weapons, if it was necessary. <v Jack Nelson>And at that time, as I remember, Wallace was about 21 percent in the <v Jack Nelson>polls. He had really gone up and that was a huge percentage <v Jack Nelson>for him to be polling at that time. <v Jack Nelson>21 percent of the American electorate. <v Jack Nelson>And after that, he kind of went steadily down because that- I think that <v Jack Nelson>particular segment led all of the evening news broadcasts and the next morning too <v Jack Nelson>and created quite a, quite a hubbub. <v Narrator>Wallace's final vote tally caused quite a hubbub, too. <v Narrator>He received almost 10 million votes. <v Narrator>13.5 percent of the total. More important, he captured 146

<v Narrator>electoral votes and nearly threw the election into the House of Representatives. <v Narrator>Wallace was almost the kingmaker. <v Narrator>Do you think that your candidacy resulted in the election of Richard <v Narrator>Nixon as president in 1968? <v George Wallace>Some analyses have shown that that <v George Wallace>Humphrey lost a number of key states like New Jersey. <v George Wallace>Well, I've got a good vote in the working areas that otherwise would have voted for <v George Wallace>Mr. Humphrey. As a consequence, that I kept him from, Humphrey, <v George Wallace>from being elected, then others say that I caused him to lose 5 southern <v George Wallace>states, but the other states had more electoral vote than <v George Wallace>the 5 southern states. So I think it's an argument between 2, 2 groups of <v George Wallace>people as to which one helped elect. <v George Wallace>Most of them think I elected neighbors to Nixon because I took votes away from <v George Wallace>him. But many people analyze <v George Wallace>it as I took enough away from the working area of certain states

<v George Wallace>to cause him to go in a very close vote like New Jersey for, for Nixon instead <v George Wallace>of Humphrey. <v Narrator>What do you think? <v George Wallace>I really don't know, I can't second guess the people of the country. <v George Wallace>And no one else can either. <v Narrator>Many Wallace believers feel that he reached his political peak in 1968. <v Narrator>After that election, Wallace's staff was invaded by a new group headed by <v Narrator>his brother, Gerald. Arguments flared over the use of leftover money <v Narrator>and criticism of campaign strategy. <v Narrator>The staff split and the old guard left the Wallace camp, <v Narrator>but a greater loss had already occurred. <v Narrator>Governor Lurleen Wallace died on May 7th, 1968. <v Narrator>George Wallace was left with his grief, his aspirations and his 4 <v Narrator>motherless children. And the state of Alabama mourn the passing of <v Narrator>one of its most popular governors. <v Narrator>Lieutenant governor, Albert Brewer, finished Lurleen Wallace's term.

<v Narrator>As the 1970 gubernatorial race neared, Brewer prepared for <v Narrator>his campaign, bolstered by a promise of support from George Wallace. <v Narrator>But Wallace couldn't resist a political race. <v Narrator>He broke his vow to Brewer and announced his own candidacy. <v Bob Inman>I think that was a campaign where George Wallace did not want to have to use the racial <v Bob Inman>issue. He knew he wanted to run for president again in 1972, <v Bob Inman>and he wanted the office as a launching pad for another bid for president. <v Bob Inman>And he wanted, above all things, not to have to use the racial issue. <v Bob Inman>And he didn't until he was absolutely forced to. <v Bob Inman>When, when Brewer led the primary and Wallace knew he had to come back and win the <v Bob Inman>runoff. <v Bob Inman>We all knew in the Brewer campaign what he would do because it was the only thing he <v Bob Inman>could do. And we knew what the outcome was going to be, too. <v Bob Inman>I don't think there was a soul in the Brewer campaign who was not honest with themselves,

<v Bob Inman>who didn't say what, when Brewer didn't win it in the primary that <v Bob Inman>it's all over because we know what George is going to do, and we know what's going to <v Bob Inman>happen. And there was, it was really a helpless feeling. <v Narrator>There were accusations of smear politics associated with your <v Narrator>campaign. <v George Wallace>There are also allegation of smear on the other group, too. <v George Wallace>But I never said more than a harm word about. <v George Wallace>I have never mentioned- I've never edmention my opponent's name in a race for governor. <v Narrator>You know, of the public, the visual campaign <v Narrator>aides that smeared Brewer. <v George Wallace>I don't know of anybody smeared Brewer. In other words, I received several <v George Wallace>hundred thousand votes. There's no way I can keep people from making a statement about <v George Wallace>some other candidate. A lot of things said bad about me and said about me <v George Wallace>today so I cannot be responsible for every individual. <v George Wallace>But what I did, I talked about the issues.

<v George Wallace>I did not mention my opponent's name. <v Narrator>After the primary, Wallace's staff helped register more than 40000 new voters, <v Narrator>most of whom voted for Wallace in the runoff. <v Narrator>He beat Brewer by 24000 votes, one of the closest elections <v Narrator>in Alabama's history. <v Narrator>Wallace's second gubernatorial elections set up a political power structure in Alabama <v Narrator>that was unequal. Now the victor could set his sights on another race, <v Narrator>the 1972 presidential election and a new running <v Narrator>mate was about to join the Wallace family in the governor's mansion. <v Narrator>Just before his inauguration, Wallace married Cornelia Ellis Snively, <v Narrator>who was no stranger to Alabama politics. <v Narrator>She was the niece of former Governor Jim Folsom and had lived in the governor's mansion <v Narrator>during Folsom's first term. <v Narrator>The issues in the 72 presidential campaign would be tax reform, inflation

<v Narrator>and school bussing. <v Narrator>A Democratic field was full of hopefuls, including Senators Hubert Humphrey, <v Narrator>Henry Scoop Jackson, Ed Muskie and George McGovern. <v Narrator>George Wallace had been running for a long time, first as a Democrat, <v Narrator>and attempt to run as a Republican with Barry Goldwater, and in 68, <v Narrator>as a highly successful third party candidate. <v Narrator>Wallace took his campaign south and entered the Florida primary. <v George Wallace>But those who pretend to do the most are those who sometimes just defend the Washington <v George Wallace>crowd. Go up to their school system. <v George Wallace>All these folks are living over in Maryland. <v George Wallace>They've got so many bridges built across the Potomac River where they can get out fast, <v George Wallace>you know. <v George Wallace>We'll be able to send a message to the national-. <v Narrator>Wallace was first in a field of 11 candidates. <v Narrator>He got 42 percent of the vote. <v Narrator>He claimed 75 of 81 delegates. <v Narrator>The columnist Tom Wicker wrote that Wallace's Florida win had a profound influence <v Narrator>on Mr. Nixon and his associates.

<v Narrator>Wicker writing that it limited their vision and insidiously undermined their political <v Narrator>confidence. After the Florida victory, Wallace ran second <v Narrator>in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts with minimal campaigning, <v Narrator>pleased with those outcomes, Wallace entered the Wisconsin primary, but not <v Narrator>soon enough. <v George McGovern>And I think that Wallace might have done better in Wisconsin if he had put more <v George McGovern>time and resources into that state. <v George McGovern>As it was, as I remember it, he came in second only to me. <v George McGovern>I had expected that the person to beat in Wisconsin <v George McGovern>would be Muskie and that next to him would be Humphrey, that <v George McGovern>Wallace would be somewhere down the, down the line. <v George McGovern>So I frankly was amazed that Wallace came in a strong second <v George McGovern>in Wisconsin. I think Humphrey and Muskie were very surprised too. <v Brandt Ayers>What was important to him? <v Brandt Ayers>It was the feelings of people and mainly <v Brandt Ayers>working class rural whites.

<v Brandt Ayers>He was ki- he was an ethnic leader. <v Brandt Ayers>The importance of women who were the third generation <v Brandt Ayers>in their family to work at the local textile mill. <v Brandt Ayers>The gizzard splinters and gut pullers at the chicken processing <v Brandt Ayers>plants. Steel workers in Gary, Indiana. <v Brandt Ayers>They, uh, those good old Irish boys who were no strangers to <v Brandt Ayers>defeat and scorn themselves in the taverns of South Boston. <v Brandt Ayers>Those people's feelings, the condition of their lives, the <v Brandt Ayers>hurt that people who had been bypassed and looked down on. <v Brandt Ayers>That was important to George Wallace. <v Brandt Ayers>That could bring tears to his eyes. I think honest tears. <v Brandt Ayers>And those were the people he championed. <v George Wallace>With the breakdown of law and order-. <v Narrator>By the end of April, there was no clear cut leader. <v Narrator>Both McGovern and Humphrey had gained momentum, but Wallace still looked strong.

<v Narrator>It was becoming apparent that George Wallace was not merely a spoiler candidate. <v Narrator>On May 15th, 1972, the Wallace caravan pulled into a shopping <v Narrator>center in Laurel, Maryland. <v Narrator>After speaking to a receptive crowd, the governor took off his jacket and walked down <v Narrator>the platform steps. <v Narrator>Wallace and three other people were wounded, but the governor was hurt the worst. <v Narrator>He was hit 4 times from only 18 inches away. <v Narrator>35 minutes after those shots rang out, he was in the emergency room at Holy <v Narrator>Cross Hospital. Wallace would live miraculously, but he would <v Narrator>never walk again. His assailant, Arthur Bremer, had been following Wallace <v Narrator>for quite some time. Although crippled and facing a long road to recovery, Wallace <v Narrator>was not paralyzed politically.

<v Narrator>The day after his shooting, he carried Michigan and Maryland. <v Narrator>After a two month period of recovery, Wallace left Holy Cross Hospital and <v Narrator>flew to Miami for the Democratic convention. <v Narrator>Despite his courage, Wallace would have little political impact on the convention if <v Narrator>a crucial battle over the California delegates was lost. <v Narrator>George McGovern had won that state's primary and was entitled to all 271 <v Narrator>delegate votes under a winner take all system. <v Narrator>Hubert Humphrey desperately fought to change the rules, but he lost the battle. <v Narrator>California's vote put McGovern over the top. <v Narrator>If he had lost Humphrey's and Wallace's combined delegates, it might have made <v Narrator>a difference in the choice of the Democratic nominee. <v Narrator>What sort of conversations did you have with Mr. Humphrey about second place <v Narrator>on the ticket? <v George Wallace>Well, we had 2 groups of people meeting with each other, and I never met with him myself <v George Wallace>on it, but it was understood. And he called me up the night when we lost

<v George Wallace>the vote on the California delegation on receiving the delegation <v George Wallace>they gave him. The winner-take-all, which otherwise had been percentage wise, <v George Wallace>then he and I would have had more votes and Mr. McGovern would, but they wouldn't let <v George Wallace>California vote. As a result, he lost by 11 votes. <v George Wallace>Humphrey lost the election by 11 votes, the nomination, rather, by 11 votes. <v George Wallace>Had he won that nomination, I would have been his vice presidential running <v George Wallace>mate. <v George McGovern>It's possible that he dangled that possibility in front of George <v George McGovern>Wallace, but I can't believe that in a crunch, Humphrey, a longtime <v George McGovern>advocate of civil rights, would have offered the vice presidency of the United <v George McGovern>States to George Wallace. If he had, I think it would have violated <v George McGovern>the credibility of both of them. <v Ray Jenkins>And in fact, I asked Hubert Humphrey himself in a private <v Ray Jenkins>conversation in December of 1972 at the LBJ

<v Ray Jenkins>Library in Dallas, Texas, in Austin, Texas, <v Ray Jenkins>whether he had done this. <v Ray Jenkins>I said senator or Governor Wallace has <v Ray Jenkins>said that you offered him the vice presidency in 1970. <v Ray Jenkins>True, too. Is that true? He said, no, it is not. <v Narrator>The governor now faced a long and trying period of recovery and rehabilitation. <v Narrator>Each day consisted of strenuous therapy and conducting most business <v Narrator>on the telephone. In addition to his physical problems, the governor was confronted <v Narrator>with political difficulties as well. <v Narrator>Judge Frank Johnson had placed the Alabama mental health system under federal control. <v Narrator>Several former Wallace aides and supporters were indicted for fraud and <v Narrator>the state's inflation and unemployment rates were soaring. <v Narrator>But another gubernatorial election was just around the corner. <v Narrator>Soon, Wallace could forget the problems of being governor and do what he loved

<v Narrator>best, run for office. <v Narrator>And this time, there would be no fight over succession. <v Narrator>The legislature had finally approved a succession bill. <v Narrator>Wallace won the election in a runaway. <v Narrator>The only gubernatorial race he would win with no runoff. <v Narrator>I want to ask you about 74. You were hurt. <v Narrator>You were tired. <v Narrator>Were you, were you bored? <v George Wallace>Bored? <v Narrator>Yeah. When yo- Why did you. Why did you run again? <v George Wallace>Well, of course, the only way I could make a living, I suppose, to be governor. <v George Wallace>I'll answer that way. <v Narrator>A noticeable change had occurred in the electorate since Wallis's last election, <v Narrator>Blacks were voting in great numbers and the power of their vote was obvious. <v W.C. Patton>After we began registering in larger numbers, <v W.C. Patton>I think Wallace came to the conclusion that <v W.C. Patton>I'm going to have to change my, my way of living and my thinking,

<v W.C. Patton>and I'm going to have to join with, uh, with these groups and, uh, <v W.C. Patton>uh, get on the side of where the pies are. <v W.C. Patton>The pies are scattered among the Blacks and the whites. <v Narrator>In Governor Wallace's first 8 years, he made over 1500 appointments. <v Narrator>Only 7 of those went to Blacks. <v Narrator>But in 1974, Wallace admitted he was wrong on segregation <v Narrator>and openly courted the Black vote. <v Narrator>Wallace's win prompted one-time supporter John Cholent to exclaim that Jesus Christ <v Narrator>and Robert E. Lee could not have defeated George Wallace in that wheelchair. <v Narrator>Sympathy vote or not, he certainly didn't have that caliber of competition in the 74 <v Narrator>gubernatorial campaign. But in 2 years, that wheelchair <v Narrator>and the condition of a crippled politician in it would become an issue. <v Narrator>As in the 1972 campaign, Florida proved <v Narrator>to be the crucial state for Wallace.

<v Narrator>He campaigned heavily, trying to project the image of a vital, healthy candidate, <v Narrator>but the adjustments were almost insurmountable. <v Narrator>As he frankly conceded, all they see are the spokes of my wheelchair. <v Narrator>Wallace garnered 31 percent of the Florida vote, but lost to Jimmy Carter, who polled <v Narrator>33 percent. It was a tremendous boost for the Georgia governor, <v Narrator>but a critical setback for the governor of Alabama. <v Narrator>The handwriting was on the wall. <v Narrator>Wallace finally withdrew from the race and endorsed Jimmy Carter. <v Narrator>Any hopes of becoming president of the United States were over for George Corley <v Narrator>Wallace. <v Narrator>The governor was also having personal problems, problems that culminated in a divorce <v Narrator>from Cornelia in 1978. <v Narrator>It was a blue year for Wallace. <v Narrator>He grew discouraged as his term drew to a close. <v Narrator>For the first time since 1962, he would be out of the office that <v Narrator>had become his life. He no longer had a political ring in which to fight.

<v Narrator>So he turned to the academic world as a fundraiser for the University of Alabama <v Narrator>in Birmingham. As director of rehabilitative services, Wallace <v Narrator>raised approximately 2 million dollars for the medical school between 1979 <v Narrator>and 1981. <v Narrator>Those 3 years weighed heavily, though, on Wallace physically. <v Narrator>His pain was at times agonizing. <v Narrator>But the hurt from being away from politics was worse. <v Narrator>And the only cure for Wallace was a political race. <v Narrator>In 1982, he announced that he was running for an unprecedented <v Narrator>fourth term as governor. <v Narrator>Wallace had never run for office without a wife at his side. <v Narrator>This campaign would be no different. <v Narrator>His new bride was Lisa Taylor, who had once performed with her sister Mona <v Narrator>at Wallace rallies during the 1968 presidential campaign. <v Narrator>None of his opponents held as many political IOUs as Wallace.

<v Narrator>The Democratic primary proved it. <v Narrator>He led, followed by Lieutenant Governor George McMillan. <v Narrator>The Black vote would be the deciding factor in the runoff. <v Dr. William Barnard>By 82, the political climate had changed <v Dr. William Barnard>so much and Wallace had changed so much. <v Dr. William Barnard>It is a totally different constellation. <v Dr. William Barnard>In 82, he narrowly wins by putting together that old <v Dr. William Barnard>dream of a populist coalition. <v Dr. William Barnard>That is the rural whites, the working class whites in the cities <v Dr. William Barnard>and Blacks. <v Dr. William Barnard>Enough Blacks in the cities and in the countryside to narrowly win a <v Dr. William Barnard>majority. <v W.C. Patton>Black people are quick to forgive folks and they are quick to forget. <v W.C. Patton>And he had appeared that he had had a change of heart. <v W.C. Patton>And that a lot of them, a lot of blacks throughout <v W.C. Patton>the state decided that they would join and try to get on his bandwagon <v W.C. Patton>to see what type of, uh, he had to offer

<v W.C. Patton>in terms of jobs and other opportunities. <v W.C. Patton>So I don't know whether he was the lesser of the evils. <v W.C. Patton>Well, it's a matter of people forgetting and forgiving. <v J.L. Chestnut>He grew up around Blacks, very close to them. <v J.L. Chestnut>And George was not a blueblood, not from the country club. <v J.L. Chestnut>He just talked like that. But he was telling the truth about it. <v J.L. Chestnut>He was not ill at ease talking to Blacks. <v J.L. Chestnut>I've never been in his company where, where where George Wallace was like a fish out <v J.L. Chestnut>of water. It came naturally to him. <v J.L. Chestnut>And he could read the aspirations and feelings of Black people the same way he read them <v J.L. Chestnut>about whites. He knew what to say and what to do. <v J.L. Chestnut>And he, he just, developed and <v J.L. Chestnut>worked at it and developed that credibility. <v J.L. Chestnut>George Wallace could talk to a Black person <v J.L. Chestnut>about his conversion, if you want to call it that.

<v J.L. Chestnut>And how the Lord had spared <v J.L. Chestnut>him. And that he felt that the Lord had a reason <v J.L. Chestnut>for that and George Wallace would have tears in his eyes. <v J.L. Chestnut>And when you talking to an old-line Black missionary Baptist <v J.L. Chestnut>along those lines, you're really in his ballpark. <v J.L. Chestnut>But I would suggest to you that George Wallace's ballpark. <v J.L. Chestnut>It really is. He's a great actor, but there are some things he's not acting about. <v George Wallace>The extent of my own ability- <v Narrator>Wallace entered office intent on redeeming himself, his life had changed <v Narrator>since the shooting. His demeanor had mellowed. <v Narrator>His supporters call his term his most successful serve. <v Narrator>His critics pointed out the negative legacy of the Wallace years. <v George Wallace>On the people of Alabama. <v Narrator>Wallace's health problems were becoming more debilitating, and at times he appeared <v Narrator>confused and disoriented. <v Narrator>The job of running state government fell to his aides.

<v Narrator>As his fourth term drew to a close, the 67 year old governor was forced <v Narrator>to face the facts. His body could no longer take the punishment of <v Narrator>politics. <v George Wallace>And now I conclude by telling you, my heart will always belong to Alabama. <v George Wallace>I expect to be around, the Lord willing, a few more years. <v George Wallace>But as far as the governmental and political arena, my fellow Alabamians, I bid <v George Wallace>you a fond and affectionate farewell. <v Dr. William Barnard>The image that he gave the state, the black eye that he gave the state, which it had not <v Dr. William Barnard>really had before, the reputation for being a center of racial reaction and racial <v Dr. William Barnard>resistance. That black eye lingers today and in the long <v Dr. William Barnard>term is the negative legacy that he leaves to Alabama. <v J.L. Chestnut>I think that, and as history looks <v J.L. Chestnut>at George Wallace, they will- It will probably treat him

<v J.L. Chestnut>as, as an unwitting contributor <v J.L. Chestnut>to great progress in Alabama, but his <v J.L. Chestnut>number one legacy will be that stand in <v J.L. Chestnut>the schoolhouse door. I don't think that there's any practical way that <v J.L. Chestnut>he'll ever be able to rise above that. <v Taylor Hardin>I think when people look back 50 years from now, 20 years from now, they <v Taylor Hardin>will look not so much at the schoolhouse door as they will at that at <v Taylor Hardin>the schools themselves. <v Joe Reed>They will see him as an opponent <v Joe Reed>of desegregation as an opponent of justice <v Joe Reed>and fairness, I think I'd be their first reaction. <v Joe Reed>I think the second reaction will be that he was <v Joe Reed>a fellow who came along, fought it, lost the battle, and <v Joe Reed>said I was wrong.

<v Brandt Ayers>Yes, he's, he's going to be missed. <v Brandt Ayers>He's going to be missed because, because of his passion <v Brandt Ayers>which is is much more authentic <v Brandt Ayers>than this, than this distilled <v Brandt Ayers>85 proof vodka, <v Brandt Ayers>tasteless vodka that we get served up by the political consultants <v Brandt Ayers>on television. <v Brandt Ayers>He was real. <v Narrator>Governor, you've had an exciting and unusual political career. <v Narrator>If you had it to do over again, is there any one thing you <v Narrator>would do? <v George Wallace>Several things that I would do differently because I'm a human being on Earth and make <v George Wallace>mistakes, but there's no use to talking about the mistakes and ?inaudible? <v George Wallace>than just to use them as education for the future <v George Wallace>and not make the same mistake twice, but- Oh, yes.

<v George Wallace>if I call my life over, I'd live it a lot differently. <v George Wallace>Realize it when I leave this earth, my life is eternal. <v George Wallace>And I realize now more than ever, as I get older that, that nothing matters <v George Wallace>at what you do on this earth at the moment except what happened on the day that they have <v George Wallace>you, you pass away. And that's what you know, your spirit <v George Wallace>and your soul is everlasting. <v George Wallace>And it's conscious. <v George Wallace>And the most important thing to me has not happened yet. <v George Wallace>That's on the day of my mortal death. <v Narrator>And Governor, when you reached the pearly <v Narrator>gates, what sort of reception do you hope for? <v George Wallace>Well, I don't want to talk about that, except to say that I expect to be <v George Wallace>there. <v Narrator>Few politicians were his equal. <v Narrator>George Wallace was a master at getting elected. <v Narrator>But once in office, his was an opportunity to be perhaps more than a politician.

<v Narrator>George Wallace might have been a statesman, but he was not. <v Narrator>The Wallace legacy, myth or reality. <v Narrator>George Wallace is responsible for the myth. <v Narrator>We are responsible for the reality. <v Narrator>It was the voters, after all, who fueled his engine of ambition. <v Narrator>Perhaps he could not have been elected without his stand on segregation. <v Narrator>He could have been governor without standing in the schoolhouse door. <v Narrator>The schoolhouse door provided the limelight that George Wallace pursued <v Narrator>relentlessly, for better or worse, many times for the better, <v Narrator>but often for the worse. <v Narrator>I'm Nelson Benton. Good evening. <v Info broucher announcer>To obtain a copy of the viewer's guide for George Wallace, a politician's

<v Info broucher announcer>legacy, please send a 2 dollar check payable to University <v Info broucher announcer>of Alabama television services. <v Info broucher announcer>Our address is University of Alabama Television. <v Info broucher announcer>Wallace Box X, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, <v Info broucher announcer>35487. That's University of Alabama Television, <v Info broucher announcer>Wallace Box X, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, <v Info broucher announcer>35487. <v Info broucher announcer>We would appreciate your comments or questions concerning the program. <v Info broucher announcer>Production funding for this program was provided by the Alabama Humanities <v Info broucher announcer>Foundation, Alabama Public Television, and <v Info broucher announcer>the SECA CPB program fund.