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This is Latino USA, a radio journal of news and culture. I'm Maria Hinojosa. Today on Latino USA, two years after the march and riots in the nation's capital overnight. Latinos were an issue in Washington, D.C., where U.S. Latinos stand on the free trade agreement with Canada and Mexico, the jobs that are expected to be lost are the low skilled, low paying jobs that so many Latinos in this country hold. Also, Afro Cuban jazz pioneer Mario Bauza. And some thoughts on what's really important here on top of the earth. We have everything a man can need. What more can one ask for all this here on Latino USA? But first, let's not discuss. This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. He truly was a legend in his own time. The man who organized farmworkers in California and throughout the southwest beginning in
the 60s, whose tireless efforts on their behalf inspired a whole generation to political activism. And for more than 25 years ago, gave then oppressed Mexican Americans a hero and a cause and man enough. Young man Young says that Estrada Chavez was born in 1927 on a ranch outside Yuma, Arizona. At age 10, he was working in the fields 20. Some years later, he was organizing Mexican and Filipino farm laborers in California and the first ever successful effort to unionize U.S. agricultural workers. But just for fun to be around when he says that Chavez died at his home in Arizona not far from where he was born. But the journey he traveled in those 66 years as a symbol of the Chicano
movement, as a unique Labor leader was one of struggle and faith. Not long ago, Father Virgil Elizondo of San Antonio, Texas, mused on how far Chavez had come off in fighting a David and Goliath battle against powerful economic interests, but driven by a strong belief in the justice of his cause on behalf of migrant workers. When Cesar Chavez took on the greatest powers in this country, people thought he was crazy, couldn't do it. He has not totally succeeded. But he's come a long way because Flores Harrington works with the United Farm Workers in Texas. He never forgot where he came from as a as a farm worker himself, as a migrant farm worker. And he always remembered those experiences. And he inspired others who were different from himself to do to do the same, to go back into their communities and and do something to better the lives of those people in their own communities in 30 years as an organizer. Chavez, though his small union, grow to a high tech organization with a pension plan and
retirement benefits. But Chavez's union had lost membership and some say, moral authority in his later years due to a hostile political environment in California. And infighting within the union itself was vital. How did she work with the UFW until 1980? He says. Even those people who had had severe fallings out with the UFW founder were in shock on hearing of the passing of Cesar Chavez. They feel really shocked, really move, and they think they should go and pay their tribute to the leader for what he was most for what he is to represent as a symbol of the compass in the struggle that your society. Senator from New York and George. La, la, la,
la. A case which challenges minority based redistricting is now before the U.S. Supreme Court. The case involves a majority African-American district in North Carolina, which was redrawn to ensure a black majority of white voters in the district challenged the redistricting plan, arguing it goes against the principle of a colorblind constitution. Without the Voting Rights Act, we would not see the progress we've seen in minority voter participation. What this would do would be if they were to prevail, it would be a major step backward. It would shut people out of minority voter advocates like Andrew Hernandez of the Southwest Voter Education and Registration Project say districts like the one challenged in this case only came about after a long time pattern of racially polarized voting was established preventing the election of minority representatives. Twenty six new black or Latino majority districts created under the Voting Rights Act could be in jeopardy if the High Court accepts that North Carolina's redistricting plan
established a racial quota. And announcement of President Clinton's health care plan is expected soon. Among the many questions surfacing about the plan is whether it will include coverage for undocumented immigrants. Reportedly, many members of the president's health care task force do favor undocumented health care coverage for public health reasons. But First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton has been quoted as saying undocumented immigrants would not be covered. I'm Maria Martin. You're listening to Latino USA. I'm Maria Hinojosa. Trade talks are now underway regarding the North American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico, NAFTA, perhaps as no other U.S. economic initiative will have a significant impact on US Latinos. With us to speak about the future of the controversial free trade agreement, our three journalists who cover Washington, D.C. politics. Sandra Marcus of the Hispanic Link News Service, freelance
journalist Sittar Roger and Joseph Carino, D.C. bureau chief for the Mexican daily El Universal. The biggest misperception on this whole thing is that even if NAFTA's a new document in a way is something that is already happening at the border as well. The people who live in Texas and California can see now what is going to happen. I think that there will be a lot of pressure from Mexico and the United States, Muslim environment and labor problems. Congressman Gephardt and a number of other Democratic freshmen went to one to take a look at the ecological situation there. And they come out saying no way that way, at least the actual treaty has to be upgraded. And we we'll see a lot of the arguments in the next few months about it. In fact, we've seen a lot of arguments already. Sandra, how much has the debate over NAFTA divided the Latino community in particular? I think there's tremendous division among us Latinos on the issue of NAFTA, because primarily the jobs that are expected to be lost as a result of this
agreement are the low skilled, low paying jobs that so many Latinos in this country hold. So there is concern that the jobs Latinos have are going to be exported to Mexico. But at the same time, Latinos realize that they have this intrinsic link with their Mexican kin across the border. And so they realize there's tremendous potential that because of Latinos by cultural skills, that they can really tap into this and and benefit more so than other Americans in this country. The Latino population is also divided on terms of convenience. For instance, in Texas, there was a lot of people who are in favor of NAFTA because most of the Import-Export businesses are going through Texas and of course, they are getting a boost out of it. But in California, for instance, where there is a lot of Latinos in this low end of the industry, they're having a lot of problems, a lot of hesitations about it. So I think that it is also related to a lot with the where are the jobs? I think the Mexican government has realized that US Latinos can be very good promoters
of this plan and they have started Anacin Fund, a 20 million dollar fund for US Latino business leaders to create joint ventures with business partners in Mexico. And U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce here in this country have also been leading in terms of creating these trade partnerships and expos and taking people from the United States to Mexico and and really helping to create these links. There's another benefit to Latinos, and I think Latinos are beginning to see this, that if the agreement leaves in less immigration from Mexico to the United States, from Latin America generally to United States, then those low end jobs will not be taken away as easily as they would be if we continue to see hundreds of thousands of people coming across the border every year. There is some resistance on the part of some Latinos for fear that a lot of the low end jobs will go to Mexico. But at the same time, there is also a realization that there will be benefits long term that will come from fewer immigrants coming over and taking us jobs at the low end.
Thank you very much, Sandra. Marquis de de Roger and Jose, cariño, for joining us here on Latino USA. It's been two years since disturbances broke out in Washington, D.C. s Mount Pleasant neighborhood, where most of the city's Latino population lives at the time. Latino leaders blamed the violent outburst on neglect by the local city government of Hispanic residents in the past 10 years. Washington, D.C. s Latino community, mostly Central American, has grown rapidly since the violence of two years ago. The D.C. government has taken action to address community concerns, but Latino leaders say there's still much more to be done. From Washington, William Troop prepared this report.
A music vendor sets up shop at the corner of Mount Pleasant and Lamonts streets, the heart of Washington's Latino community. He's one of at least a dozen Latino merchants doing business near Park de las Palomas, a small triangular park at the end of a city bus line in. Just two years ago, the worst riots the nation's capital had seen in over 20 years started right here on May 4th. Nineteen ninety one, Daniel Gomez as Salvadoran immigrant, was stopped by an African-American police officer for drinking in public. There are differing accounts about what happened next. Police say Gomez lunged at the rookie officer who shot him in self-defense, but many Latinos heard a different version, one that said Gomez was shot after being harassed and handcuffed by the officer. Gomez was seriously wounded. And as news of the incident spread, outrage poured from the community resource
and free of la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la. Lakers During the riots, these men looted a 7-Eleven store because they were angry at police for mistreating Latinos. The looting and burning in Mount Pleasant lasted three days to calm people down. D.C. Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly arrived on the scene and promised to address Latino concerns as soon as the violence ended. It was a victory of sorts. Latino leaders had long complained that city officials ignored charges of discrimination and police brutality. The riots changed that to a certain degree. We had the best disturbance that we could have ever had. Although you had the destruction of public property, you had the destruction of private property, you had some injuries. Nobody was killed. And overnight. Latinos were an issue in Washington, D.C., one millionaires was a law student
at the time. Today, he's legal counsel for the Latino Civil Rights Task Force, an organization created after the disturbances in Mount Pleasant prior to May 5th. Nineteen ninety one, the Latino population of Washington, D.C., although it was 10 percent of the population, was on recognized, just invisible. Just a bunch of people who get on the bus in the evening to go clean buildings. But just they're just a few people here and there was no legal anyway suddenly were there. And there was now this group of people that were demanding that they be there. A few months after the riots, the Latino Civil Rights Task Force issued a blueprint for action detailing 200 specific steps the city could take to address Latino concerns. Task Force Executive Director Pedro Avila says the city has not done enough to stop discrimination and police insensitivity. The problems have not been solved yet. The police brutality cases, they continue.
Certainly the fact that we've been complaining and we've been shaken the tree kind of thing, it's it's brought about little change. But I would say that it's the stuff that needs to be done. What has been done has been done slowly, according to task force officials. One example, the city hired bilingual nine one one operators a year and a half after the task force recommended it, and only after a Latina who had been raped had to wait two hours for assistance in Spanish. Carmen Ramirez, director of the mayor's Office on Latino Affairs, says the city has taken significant steps to address community concerns. The recommendations, in many instances are not recommendations that can just be met by one concrete action, although some of them are, but rather it's a matter of putting into place policies and in many instances, mechanisms by which problems can continue to be addressed. To do that, the city has created bilingual positions in almost all departments of D.C.
government. Ramirez adds that D.C. Police Department has hired more bilingual personnel and sent hundreds of police officers to Spanish classes and sensitivity training. But last year, Latino leaders complained they were excluded from developing the initial sensitivity training program. And they say there are still plenty of police brutality cases. In January, the US Commission on Civil Rights agreed when it issued its report on the Mount Pleasant Disturbances Commission chair Arthur Fletcher called the plight of Latinos in D.C. appalling. Many Latinos in the Third District have been subjected to arbitrary harassment, unwarranted arrests and even physical abuse by D.C. police officers. The commission also found that the District of Columbia still shuts off Latinos from basic services because it lacks bilingual personnel. Many D.C. Latinos feel that in a city dominated by African-Americans, it's often hard to get a fair distribution of resources. Bebe Otero is chair of the Latino Civil Rights Task Force.
There is a prevalent feeling among the African-American community, not just the leadership, but the community at large that says we've struggled hard to get where we are, to have control of some resources in the city, to begin to play a apower role, a powerful role in the community. And it's if we open it up to someone else, we may be giving something up. They still want them to be citizens of their own country and not very worried about the United States and still have the same measure of power and the same measure of participation as somebody who was a citizen. That, in my view, is a naive expectation and certainly not something that civil rights movement ever talked about. African-American council member Frank Smith represents Ward one, the area where most D.C. Latinos live. He says the struggle for civil rights is about citizenship and voting. I think that the Hispanic community has got to work harder at getting people registered to vote. If they want to win elections, they're going to have to get people registered to vote and get them out to the ballot boxes on Election Day. In order to win, nobody is going to roll over and give up.
One of these civic activity comes once you have gained some sense of security of where you are or where you live. You still have a community that doesn't have that sense of security. Over half of Washington's estimated 60000 Latinos are undocumented, many of whom have fled war and unrest in El Salvador and most recently, Guatemala. Bebe Otero, who ran unsuccessfully for a school board seat last fall, says she's hopeful that Latino political base will develop as time goes by and as the community matures. If they can survive the struggle that it is to be able to fight the odds basically and and build that political base, then we will see, I think, by 96, some other candidates in other areas. It's beyond myself and change, however slow some may consider, it seems to be happening at Berkshire Las Palomas, where the disturbances erupted two years ago. There are now more Latino officers walking the beat.
Merchant Hocevar says even those stopped for drinking in public are now treated with respect by police. First, they say hello to you and I start to speak and they explain to you what's going on. Sometimes the person who owned any store down here to say, you know, they don't like people down here, you know, they say, no, keep walking and everything will be OK. Daniel Gomez, whose shooting sparked the disturbances in Mount Pleasant two years ago, recovered from his wounds and was later acquitted of assaulting the police officer who shot him for Latino USA. I'm William Troop reporting from Washington, D.C..
The roots of Latin jazz go back at least five decades to such artists as Mashita Channel, Boasso and Dizzy Gillespie, Latin Jazz has lost many of its originators in recent years. But one of them, 81 year old Mario Bauza, keeps going strong from Miami. Emilio Sampedro prepared this profile of the legendary co-founder of the band Margita and his Afro Cubans. Maribel's left his native Havana for New York in 1930. When he got to this country, Baza became one of those responsible for making Afro Cuban music popular in the United States and around the world. Had they happen outside of Cuba before the Cuban people could reasons for what they had been serving over there. When it got big in the United States, Cuba began to move into that line of music. Basar remembers his days at the Apollo Theater in Harlem, where he helped to launch the
career of Ella Fitzgerald. He recalls his days with the Cab Calloway orchestra and the time that he and his friends, Dizzy Gillespie and Cozy Cole, played around with Afro Cuban rhythm and jazz arrangements and created something new. Afro Cuban Jazz. In the early 1940s, Basar formed the legendary band by Tito and his Afro Cubans, along with his brother in law, Frank Grillo, who was called Marquito. Basar was the musical director of the band, and he composed some of the group's most memorable songs. And the sensation caused by me to turn this Afro Cubans and by other Latin musicians in the 40s made New York the focal point of a vibrant Latin music scene.
Is the scene of the Mambo Kings, you know, and that's why a lot of people will say Mambo is not Cuban music or it's not Mexican music, Mambo is New York music. And Ricky Fernandez writes about Latin music for The Village Voice. He's also the editor of the New York based Mass magazine. It was here. This kind of music became very hot, that it really galvanized a lot of people. That really attracted a lot of musicians from different genres. They wanted to jam with it and they created those great, you know, those great encounters between Latin music practitioners and the jazz practitioners, particularly black American jazz practitioners. For that, you need to recognize that New York has been since then, probably before then, but certainly since then. One of the great centers of Latin music, Mario Baza, takes great pride in the current popularity of Latin and Caribbean music. But he says people are wrong to call his music Latin jazz. He says that label doesn't give proper recognition to its musical roots moringa, merengue and Domingo goombahs cumbia from Colombia and
from Cuba. That's why I got to keep an eye for Cuban rhythms and Afro Cuban that now SonicWALL. That's a good one. A political one. No one else, but no one got one. So I got a call in Africa. And after seven decades in the music business, Mario Basar has come out of the shadows of the group by Tito and is Afro Cuban and is being recognized for his accomplishments as one of the creators of Afro Cuban jazz. This year, Baza plans to tour with his Afro Cuban Jazz Orchestra, featuring Graciella on vocals. The group also plans to release another album of Afro Cuban jazz explosion of Interest for Latino USA. I'm Emilio Sunbather.
You're crazy in Chicago, I grew up in Chicago, but every summer my family would pack up an overloaded station wagon and drive across the border to visit my homeland, Mexico. I have many wonderful memories of those trips to less urban settings. That was where I came into contact with nature, driving across the mountains and deserts of Mexico. I often think that, like me, many Latinos who return to the land of their birth or where their parents or grandparents came from, do so for the joy of going back to where the simple things of life are still valued. A few years ago, Texas artist ResCare moved to a village in the state of San Luis Potosi in northern Mexico. He says he was recently reminded of why he made the move as he took a long hike in the mountains in the Sierra. That is due to it's a steep climb, but after a few hours, the walking gets easier.
The valleys and peaks of this beautiful rocky sierra spread out before you like a solid ocean suspended in time. This is a dry land, almost a desert. Yet sometimes I'll find a tiny spring in a niche of a canyon wall, or I'll happen upon a small shrine in a lonely valley. Almost every day I'll come across a shepherd tending his flock, or I'll hear the sounds of children and discover they're gathering wild herbs like oregano or rosemary. Castillo often early in the morning, I'll see a woman or a man driving two or three. Butros loaded with mountain produce, heading for a nearby town or city. I make it a point not to camp close to someone's home, just out of respect. And so it's not the use of firewood that doesn't belong to me. Firewood is scarce around here this day. As I created a hill, I spotted a to just a little
two room house, a little bit walls with a flat roof. Smoke was rising from the chimney. I was barely three hundred yards from the Grand Teton and it would be dark soon. It was too late to move on. It was going to be a cold night and the only firewood I could find was already cut to survive for the ranchers. Woods told me more than I used the firewood. I feel guilty but warm that night. Anyway, I would make it up to them in the morning after breakfast, as I was packing my things, the campesino from the ranch showed up, a barrel chested man with strong hands, a weathered face and a scraggly beard. Wednesday, as I walked up to him and offered to pay for the wood, he brushed my words aside. Mirror everything you see all around you as mine is passing through. Carson this is your home to him. I was already his guest and my offer to pay was almost impolite.
He reached into his bag and handed me a small bundle. My wife packed this for you. He said it was bread. Go cheese and come and see you. A homemade candy made from fresh milk. We talked for a while. I told him I was a painter who took inspiration from the Sierra. He told of his early life as a shepherd in these same mountains and of his many years as a miner in Zacatecas. The mines are bad luck, he said. His We do see him in law school, always in the dark, digging with dynamite for God knows what or for whom. Here on top of the earth, we have everything a man can need. What more can one ask for? Yours provides the earth, the sun, wind and rain. We provide the labor, he smiled. Somehow I felt especially light that whole day. Commentator Riskier Noguera is an Austin artist who now resides in
the Mexican state of San Luis Potosí. And for this week, he the semana, this has been Latino USA, a radio journal of news and culture. Latino USA is produced and edited by Maria Emilia Martin, associate producer Angelica Luevano. We had help from Caryl Wheeler in New York. Latino USA is produced at the studios of KUTY in Austin, Texas. The technical producer is Walter Morgan. We want to hear from you. So Yumminess on our toll free number, one 800 five three five five five three three. Major funding for Latino USA comes from the Ford Foundation, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the University of Texas at Austin. The program is distributed by the long-horned radio network Yesler Proxima until next time. I'm Maria Hinojosa for Latino USA.
Cable stations coming up are the modular segments for this week's edition of Latino USA segment number one runs three minutes, seven seconds. The interview is the biggest misperception. The Out Que is here on Latino USA. The suggested lead follows in three to one, the North American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico NAFTA. Perhaps no other U.S. economic initiative in recent memory will have a significant impact on US Latinos. Latino USA host Maria Hinojosa spoke about the future of the controversial free trade agreement with three journalists who cover Washington, D.C. politics. Sandra Marcus of the Hispanic Link News Service, freelance journalist Sittar Arauca and Joseph Carino, Washington, D.C., bureau chief for the Mexican daily El Universal. The biggest misperception on this whole thing is that even if nothing is a new document, in a way it is something that is already happening on the border as well. The people who live in Texas and California can see now what is going
to happen. I think that there will be a lot of pressure from Mexico and the United States, mostly in the environment and labor problems. Congressman Gephardt and a number of other Democratic freshmen went to the one to take a look at the ecological situation there. And they come out saying no way. That way, at least the actual treaty has to be upgraded. And we will see a lot of the arguments in the next few months about it. In fact, we've seen a lot of arguments already. Sandra, how much has the debate over NAFTA divided the Latino community in particular? I think there's tremendous division among us Latinos on the issue of NAFTA, because primarily the jobs that are expected to be lost as a result of this agreement are the low skilled, low paying jobs that so many Latinos in this country hold. So there is concern that the jobs Latinos have are going to be exported to Mexico. But at the same time, Latinos realize that they have this intrinsic link with their Mexican kin across the border. And so they realize there's tremendous potential that because of Latinos by cultural
skills, that they can really tap into this and and benefit more so than other Americans in this country. The Latino population is also divided on terms of convenience. For instance, in Texas, there was a lot of people who are in favor of NAFTA because most of the Import-Export businesses are going through Texas and of course, they are getting a boost out of it. But in California, for instance, where there is a lot of Latinos in this low end of the industry, they're having a lot of problems, a lot of hesitations about it. So I think that it is also related to a lot with the where are the jobs? I think the Mexican government has realized that US Latinos can be very good promoters of this plan. And they have started a nuffin fund, a 20 million dollar fund for US Latino business leaders to create joint ventures with business partners in Mexico. And U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce here in this country have also been leading in terms of creating these trade partnerships and expos and taking people
from the United States to Mexico and and really helping to create these links. There's another benefit to Latinos, and I think Latinos are beginning to see this, that if the agreement leads them in less immigration from Mexico to the United States, from Latin America, generally the United States, then those low end jobs will not be taken away as easily as they would be. If we continue to see hundreds of thousands of people coming across the border every year. There is some resistance on the part of some Latinos for fear that a lot of the low end jobs will go to Mexico. But at the same time, there is also a realization that there will be benefits long term that will come from fewer immigrants coming over and, you know, taking us jobs at the low end. Thank you very much, Sandra, Marquise de la Rosa and Jose Carino for joining us here on Latino USA. Segment number two runs eight minutes one second. It opens with three seconds of music. The outcome is from Washington, D.C. The suggested lead follows in three to one.
It's been two years since disturbances broke out in Washington, D.C.. S Mount Pleasant neighborhood where most of the city's Latino population lives. At the time, Latino leaders blamed the violent outburst on neglect by the D.C. government of the fast growing Latino community, many of whom are Central American immigrants. Since then, the city's government has taken action to address community concerns. But Latino leaders say there's still much more to be done. From Washington, William Troub prepared this report. A music vendor sets up shop at the corner of Mount Pleasant and Lamonte Streets, the heart of Washington's Latino community. He's one of at least a dozen Latino merchants doing business near Parker de las Palomas, a small triangular park at the end of a city. Bus lines in. Just two years ago, the worst riots the nation's capital had seen in over 20 years
started right here on May 4th. Nineteen ninety one, Daniel Gomez as Salvadoran immigrant, was stopped by an African-American police officer for drinking in public. There are differing accounts about what happened next. Police say Gomez lunged at the rookie officer who shot him in self-defense, but many Latinos heard a different version, one that said Gomez was shot after being harassed and handcuffed by the officer. Gomez was seriously wounded. And as news of the incident spread, outrage poured from the community resource and free of la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la la. Lakers During the riots, these men looted a 7-Eleven store because they were angry at police for mistreating Latinos. The looting and burning in Mount Pleasant lasted three days to calm people down. D.C. Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly arrived on the scene and promised to address Latino concerns as soon as the violence ended. It was a victory of sorts. Latino leaders had long complained that city officials ignored
charges of discrimination and police brutality. The riots changed that to a certain degree. We had the best disturbance that we could have ever had. Although you had the destruction of public property, you had the destruction of private property, you had some injuries. Nobody was killed. And overnight. Latinos were an issue in Washington, D.C., one millionaires was a law student at the time. Today, he's legal counsel for the Latino Civil Rights Task Force, an organization created after the disturbances in Mount Pleasant prior to May 5th. Nineteen ninety one, the Latino population of Washington, D.C., although it was 10 percent of the population. Was unrecognized, just invisible. Just a bunch of people who get on the bus in the evening to go clean buildings, but, you know, just just a few people here in there, most of them are illegal anyway, suddenly were there.
And there was now this group of people that were demanding that they be there. A few months after the riots, the Latino Civil Rights Task Force issued a blueprint for action detailing 200 specific steps the city could take to address Latino concerns. Task Force Executive Director Pedro Evilest says the city has not done enough to stop discrimination and police insensitivity. The problems have not been solved yet. The police brutality cases, they continue. Certainly the fact that we've been complaining and we've been shaken the tree kind of thing, it's it's brought about little change. But I would say that it's a list of the needs to be done. What has been done has been done slowly, according to task force officials. One example, the city hired bilingual nine one one operators a year and a half after the task force recommended it, and only after a Latina who had been raped had to wait two hours for assistance in Spanish. Carmen Ramirez, director of the mayor's Office on Latino Affairs, says the city has taken
significant steps to address community concerns. The recommendations, in many instances are not recommendations that can just be met by one concrete action, although some of them are, but rather it's a matter of putting into place policies and in many instances, mechanisms by which problems can continue to be addressed. To do that, the city has created bilingual positions in almost all departments of D.C. government. Ramirez adds that D.C. Police Department has hired more bilingual personnel and sent hundreds of police officers to Spanish classes and sensitivity training. But last year, Latino leaders complained they were excluded from developing the initial sensitivity training program. And they say there are still plenty of police brutality cases in January. The US Commission on Civil Rights agreed when it issued its report on the Unpleasant Disturbances Commission chair Arthur Fletcher called the plight of Latinos in D.C. appalling.
Many Latinos in the Third District have been subjected to arbitrary harassment, unwarranted arrests and even physical abuse by D.C. police officers. The commission also found that the District of Columbia still shuts off Latinos from basic services because it lacks bilingual personnel. Many D.C. Latinos feel that in a city dominated by African-Americans, it's often hard to get a fair distribution of resources. Bebe Otero is chair of the Latino Civil Rights Task Force. There is a prevalent feeling among the African-American community, not just the leadership, but the community at large that says we've struggled hard to get where we are, to have control of some resources in the city, to begin to play a apower role, a powerful role in the community. And it's if we open it up to someone else, we may be giving something up. They still want them to be citizens of their own country and not very worried about the United States and still have the same measure of power and the same measure of
participation as somebody who was a citizen. That, in my view, is a naive expectation and certainly is not something that civil rights movement ever talked about. African-American council member Frank Smith represents Ward one, the area where most D.C. Latinos live. He says the struggle for civil rights is about citizenship and voting. I think that the Hispanic community has got to work harder at getting people registered to vote. If they want to win elections, they're going to have to get people registered to vote and get them out to the ballot boxes on Election Day in order to win, nobody's going to roll over and give up. One of these civic activity comes once you have gained some sense of security of where you are, where you live. You still have a community that doesn't have that sense of security. Over half of Washington's estimated 60000 Latinos are undocumented, many of whom have fled war and unrest in El Salvador and most recently, Guatemala. Botero, who ran unsuccessfully for a school board seat last fall, says she's hopeful a Latino political base will develop as time goes by and as the community
matures. If they can survive the struggle that it is to be able to fight the odds basically and and build that political base, then we will see, I think, by ninety six some other candidates in other areas beyond myself. Change, however slow some may consider, it seems to be happening at the last Paloma's where the disturbances erupted two years ago. There are now more Latino officers walking the beat. Merchant Hocevar, the says even those stopped for drinking in public are now treated with respect by police. First, they say hello to you and I start to speak. And then they explain to you what's going on in the Pentagon down here to say, you know, they don't like people out here and they keep walking and everything will be OK. Daniel Gomez, whose shooting sparked the disturbances in Mount Pleasant two years ago, recovered from his wounds and was later acquitted of assaulting the police officer who
shot him for Latino USA. I'm William Troop, reporting from Washington, D.C.. Segment number three runs three minutes, 41 seconds to the standard out, four minutes, 12 seconds to the end of the music, the suggested lead follows in three to one. The roots of Latin jazz go back at least five decades to such artists as Mashita Channel Postle and Dizzy Gillespie, Latin Jazz has lost many of its originators in recent years, but one of them, 81 year old Mario Bauza, keeps going strong from Miami. Emilio Sampedro prepared this profile on the legendary co-founder of the band Mashita A.. Afro Cubans. Maribel's left his native Havana for New York in 1930. When he got to this country, Baza became one of those responsible for making Afro Cuban music popular in the United States and around the world. Had they happen outside of Cuba before the Cuban people come, reasons of what
they had been serving over there when it got back in the United States. Cuba begin to move into that line in music. Basar remembers his days at the Apollo Theater in Harlem, where he helped to launch the career of Ella Fitzgerald. He recalls his days with the Cab Calloway orchestra and the time that he and his friends, Dizzy Gillespie and Kosi Cole, played around with Afro Cuban rhythm and jazz arrangements and created something new. Afro Cuban jazz. In the early 1940s, Basar formed the legendary band by Tito and his Afro Cubans, along with his brother in law, Frank Grillo, who was called Marquito Basar was the musical director of the band, and he composed some of the group's most memorable songs.
And the sensation caused by my to turn this Afro Cubans and by other Latin musicians in the 40s made New York the focal point of a vibrant Latin music scene. Is the scene of the Mambo Kings, you know, and that's why a lot of people will say Mambo is not Cuban music or it's not Mexican music, Mambo is New York music. Enrique Fernandez writes about Latin music for The Village Voice. He's also the editor of the New York based Mass magazine. It was here that this kind of music became very hard, that it really galvanized a lot of people that are really attracted, a lot of musicians from different genres that wanted to jam with it. And they created those great, you know, those great encounters between Latin music practitioners and jazz practitioners, particularly black American jazz practitioners. For that, you need to recognize that New York has been since then, probably before then, but certainly since then. One of the great centers of Latin music, Mario Baza, takes great pride in the current
popularity of Latin and Caribbean music. But he says people are wrong to call his music Latin jazz. He says that label doesn't give proper recognition to its musical roots. Merengue and Domingo cumbia as cumbia from Colombia and from Cuba. That's why I got to keep him Poncho's Afro, Cuban rhythms and Afro. Given that now SonicWALL. That's one one one one one one one one. So I got to go in Africa. And then after seven decades in the music business, Mario Bauza has come out of the shadows of the group. Attitude is Afro Cuban and is being recognized for his accomplishments as one of the creators of Afro Cuban jazz. This year, Basar plans to tour with his Afro Cuban Jazz Orchestra, featuring Graciella on vocals. The group also plans to release another album
of Afro Cuban jazz explosion of Integris for Latino USA. I'm Emilio San Pedro Segment four months, three minutes, 14 seconds, the in-cue is Es una subida empinada. It's a steep climb. The out-cue is my pack felt especially light that whole day. The suggested lead in three to one. Many Latinos who travel back to the land of their birth or to where their parents
Series
Latino USA
Episode Number
No. 1
Episode
1993-04-30
Producing Organization
KUT (Radio station : Austin, Tex.)
University of Texas at Austin. Center for Mexican American Studies
Contributing Organization
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia)
AAPB ID
cpb-aacip-526-g44hm53p4v
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Description
Episode Description
This is Episode One from April 30, 1993. News segment includes an obituary feature on farm worker labor leader Cesar Chavez, who died on April 23, 1993. Segment A: A group of Latino journalists on the status of the North American Free Trade Agreement, and where U.S. Latinos stand on NAFTA. Segment B: Two years after the violent disturbances that took place in the mostly Latino neighborhood of Mount Pleasant. Segment C: Mario Bauza, one of the legendary originators of Latino jazz and a co-founder of the band 'Machito and his Afro Cubans.' #2C: Some thoughts on the joy of rediscovering the really important things in life during a long hike in the mountains of Northern Mexico.
Series Description
"Latino USA presents public radio audiences unique perspectives of U.S. Latinos; provides information to diverse Latino communities of the events affecting their lives; develops a forum for Latino cultural and artistic expression, and strengthens the radio broadcasting capabilities of Latinos. Latino USA accomplishes this by: producing a unique, high-quality, weekly English-language radio journal of news and culture broadcast on public stations nationwide; supporting the training and development of a national network of Latino radio journalists and producers, and other radio professionals; and, promoting cross-cultural understanding among Latino groups, and between Latinos and non-Latinos, through consistent, quality programming and audience outreach."--1993 Peabody Awards entry form.
Description
"Program #1- Aired on Friday, April 30, 1993. "Program Billboard :59[;] News Segment: 5:00 "News segment includes an obituary feature on farm worker labor leader Csar Chvez, who died on April 23, 1993. Segment A: A group of Latino journalists on the status of the North American Free Trade Agreement, and where U.S. Latinos stand on NAFTA. Segment B: Two years after the violent disturbances that took place in the mostly Latino neighborhood of Mount Pleasant. Segment C: Mario Bauza, one of the legendary originators of Latino jazz and a co-founder of the band 'Machito and his Afro Cubans.' #2C: Some thoughts on the joy of rediscovering the really important things in life during a long hike in the mountains of Northern Mexico. Program #2- Aired on Friday, August 8, 1993. Segment A: Puerto Rican political analyst Juan Manuel Garca Passalaqua about Governor Pedro Rosello's recent signing of a bill calling for a plebiscite to decide the island's future political status. Segment B: The focus on border culture at the Smithsonian Institution's annual Festival of American Folklife. #2B: Grupo Animo, a youth theater group in San Antonio. Segment C: Tribute to one of salsa's musical superstars Hector Lavoe. Lavoe died June 29th. Program #3- Aired on Friday, November 5, 1993. Segment A: The Latino vote in the New York City and Miami mayoral elections. Segment B: The use of the Mexican holiday and the traditions of 'El Da de Los Muertos' or 'The Day of the Dead' as a springboard for social messages. Segment C: The legendary Latin jazz pianist Eddie Palmieri. #2C: A commentary on why drugs are such a problem among many Latino youth. Program #4- Aired on Friday, December 31, 1993. Segment A: A self-contained panel discussion, with three Latino leaders about the events & trends of 1993. Segment B: Profile on congressman Jos Serrano, the chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. " Latino USA presents public radio audiences unique perspectives of U.S. Latinos; provides information to diverse Latino communities of the events affecting their lives; develops a forum for Latino cultural and artistic expression, and strengthens the radio broadcasting capabilities of Latinos. Latino USA accomplishes this by: producing a unique, high-quality, weekly English-language radio journal of news and culture broadcast on public stations nationwide; supporting the training and development of a national network of Latino radio journalists and producers, and other radio professionals; and, promoting cross-cultural understanding among Latino groups, and between Latinos and non-Latinos, through consistent, quality programming and audience outreach."--1993 Peabody Awards entry form.
Broadcast Date
1993-04-30
Asset type
Episode
Media type
Sound
Duration
00:46:28.728
Embed Code
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Credits
Producing Organization: KUT (Radio station : Austin, Tex.)
Producing Organization: University of Texas at Austin. Center for Mexican American Studies
AAPB Contributor Holdings
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia
Identifier: cpb-aacip-20878a0b11d (Filename)
Format: 1/4 inch audio cassette
Duration: 0:29:00
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Citations
Chicago: “Latino USA; No. 1; 1993-04-30,” 1993-04-30, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed June 26, 2022, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-526-g44hm53p4v.
MLA: “Latino USA; No. 1; 1993-04-30.” 1993-04-30. The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. June 26, 2022. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-526-g44hm53p4v>.
APA: Latino USA; No. 1; 1993-04-30. Boston, MA: The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-526-g44hm53p4v