More Than Broken Glass: Memories of Kristallnacht

- Transcript
<v Narrator 1>Major funding for this program was provided by the Ivan L. <v Narrator 1>Tillem Foundation. [theme music] <v Woman 1>Suddenly I realized that this light which I was seeing was fire inside the <v Woman 1>synagogue and this fireman was apparently protecting the other building. <v Woman 2>All of a sudden he turns around, ?inaudible? <v Woman 2>I thought and now he's sh- shooting me. <v Woman 2>Now I am finished. <v Paula Klein>And I do remember faintly, he he tried to muster <v Paula Klein>a faint smile and waved as if to say <v Paula Klein>things would be all right. That was the last time that I ever saw my father. <v Man 1>The home and the synagogue, the two centers of our life <v Man 1>in Mannheim. <v Man 1>Uh being uh one, burning the other one ransacked. <v Man 1>Where we gonna go. What, what am I going to do?
<v Man 1>What's gonna happen to me? [music plays] <v Narrator 2>Kristallnacht or Crystal Night, the Night of Broken Glass <v Narrator 2>was a brief period in November 1938 of unprecedented violence against <v Narrator 2>the Jews of the Third Reich. <v Narrator 2>Joseph Goebbels, the minister of propaganda who instigated the operation, claimed <v Narrator 2>it was a spontaneous outburst of the people's rage.
<v Narrator 2>It was an unforeseen but loosely organized step in the Nazi policy <v Narrator 2>to remove Jews from German life. <v Paula Klein>We had a piano zu H- uh at home, and <v Paula Klein>I went for piano lessons to Kitzingen the uh <v Paula Klein>little city near a half an hour from where I was born. <v Paula Klein>And I went every week for piano lessons and I played <v Paula Klein>good piano. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>In Germany uh the higher education was separated between boys <v Rabbi Karl Richter>and girls. I went to a boys school. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>The girls had their own schools and the train never met. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>[laughs] Didn't know what a girl was until I graduated from high school. <v Narrator 2>In the 20s, German Jews considered themselves more German than the Germans. <v Narrator 2>They lived and worked at every level of society.
<v Dr. Fred Grubel>For three years, I was in uh very interesting law office, law <v Dr. Fred Grubel>office of the president of the German Bar Association. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>And I worked also in the central office of the Bar Association. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Everything looked wonderful. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>Those days in the late nineteen hundred 20s, I graduated in <v Rabbi Karl Richter>1928. There was very little anti-Semitism. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>Uh we lived like uh everybody else. <v Raul Hilberg>They did feel accepted and they thought of themselves <v Raul Hilberg>as Germans. <v Raul Hilberg>Uh the major validation for that thought was their participation <v Raul Hilberg>in the First World War in the course of which uh, the <v Raul Hilberg>Jewish community of Germany, numbering a little over 600000, lost, <v Raul Hilberg>12000 men killed in action. <v Raul Hilberg>[music plays] Uh that's a very important argument in Germany for equality. <v Ernest Michel>I remember visits to my grandfather's home in the northern part of Germany.
<v Ernest Michel>Uh he was a soldier in World War One. <v Ernest Michel>I remember a picture of him hanging on the- in the living room on a horse. <v Ernest Michel>He was a member of the German cavalry and very proud having received the <v Ernest Michel>Iron Cross. <v Paula Klein>So uh when I got married, my father said that's an old piano, I <v Paula Klein>wouldn't let you. I buy you a new one. <v Paula Klein>And he bought a new piano for me. <v Paula Klein>And this was standing in my living room, all new furniture. <v Paula Klein>Beautiul, beautiful. [music] <v Frederick Oechsner>Berlin at that time was certainly one of the most <v Frederick Oechsner>exciting cities in the world if not the most exciting. <v Frederick Oechsner>In every respect it was probably one of the most
<v Frederick Oechsner>bitter sweet towns that you could think of. <v Frederick Oechsner>I say bitter and I will return to this uh with reference to the <v Frederick Oechsner>mood of the people, sweet in terms of creativity <v Frederick Oechsner>and the wonderful things that people were doing in the arts and the sciences. <v Frederick Oechsner>It really masked the terrible underlay of <v Frederick Oechsner>depression and joblessness and uh absolute hopelessness, <v Frederick Oechsner>mostly as a result of the of the Treaty of Versailles, which imposed <v Frederick Oechsner>on Germany, and this had been just a a d- decade before <v Frederick Oechsner>uh, economic hardships, which are difficult to measure. <v Narrator 2>Germany was left bankrupt by the Treaty of Versailles. <v Narrator 2>The world leaders, while stripping Germany of its assets and land <v Narrator 2>had also redrawn the map of Europe.
<v Jack Goldman>Even though I was born in Germany, my parents had come, especially my father <v Jack Goldman>had come from a part of uh of uh Europe, that before the <v Jack Goldman>war was Austria and with the war, the family moved <v Jack Goldman>to Western Germany. <v Jack Goldman>And when the end of World War One came about, <v Jack Goldman>that portion became uh Poland. <v Jack Goldman>So he had to have a Polish passport and we had to have a Polish passport. <v Frederick Oechsner>As far as the political situation is concerned, uh <v Frederick Oechsner>there were 37 different political parties <v Frederick Oechsner>and they were knifing one another and and uh <v Frederick Oechsner>betraying one another and deceiving one another for advantage <v Frederick Oechsner>and the Reichstag, which was the parliament. <v Frederick Oechsner>And uh the top threat at that time <v Frederick Oechsner>and certainly recognized as such was the National Socialist <v Frederick Oechsner>German Worker's Party or Nazi Party under
<v Frederick Oechsner>Adolf Hitler. [music plays] <v Raul Hilberg>Indeed, when the clouds of Naziism began to gather towards <v Raul Hilberg>the end of 1932, the Jewish community made an attempt <v Raul Hilberg>to list each soldier who was Jewish, who was killed <v Raul Hilberg>separately and make a book out of it. <v Raul Hilberg>Uh this book uh was presented to Germany's president, Field Marshal <v Raul Hilberg>von Hindenberg on his 85th birthday at the end of <v Raul Hilberg>1932. Now, that was uh the mentality of the German Jews. <v Siegfried Tischauer>My father was in the German army. He died for uh Germany in the first war. <v Siegfried Tischauer>He is buried in the German military cemetery in France. <v Siegfried Tischauer>My grandfather were in the German army. <v Siegfried Tischauer>It was my country, I was born there. <v Siegfried Tischauer>[music plays] <v Raul Hilberg>When Adolf Hitler came to power uh in January 30, 1933,
<v Raul Hilberg>uh the situation began to change fairly radically. <v Raul Hilberg>For one thing, it was quite evident during the first few months <v Raul Hilberg>of this new regime uh that the status of equality had ended. <v Raul Hilberg>Now the only question for the Jewish community was whether they could survive <v Raul Hilberg>economically as second class citizens. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>They couldn't wait until the next morning. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>At 5:00 in the afternoon, a special messenger came to my home with a letter <v Dr. Fred Grubel>that since the Reverend Dr. Fred Gruber, <v Dr. Fred Grubel>according to his own indication, is of Jewish <v Dr. Fred Grubel>descent, he is immediately discharged from the judicial service <v Dr. Fred Grubel>period. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Next morning, I went back to court to get my books and so on, and I never will forget <v Dr. Fred Grubel>uh how crazy one was at that time.
<v Dr. Fred Grubel>Uh a uh Gentile colleague of mine, a lady, was quite <v Dr. Fred Grubel>upset and said ?inaudible? this and what are you doing now? <v Dr. Fred Grubel>And this is terrible what happens and so on. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>And I never will forget the crazy answer that I gave, uh I said colleague. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Don't worry. That happens to us every few hundred years, and we are still in this world. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>I think she thought me highly crazy. <v Karl Schleunes>The Nazis had promised that they would undo at the very minimum <v Karl Schleunes>their solution to the Jewish problem, as they called it, was to undo <v Karl Schleunes>that process of assimilation that began in the late <v Karl Schleunes>18th and early 19th century. <v Karl Schleunes>In other words, to once again separate Jews from Germans. <v Alfons Heck>It also had very personal implications because my kindergarten friend <v Alfons Heck>Heintz Erman was Jewish and he was removed from <v Alfons Heck>our elementary school six weeks after we started school. <v Alfons Heck>I knew he was Jewish. In fact, I had gone to the synagogue with
<v Alfons Heck>him once for his aunt's wedding. <v Alfons Heck>I spent a lot of time in their home. <v Alfons Heck>And he knew, I was ?Catholic? it didn't make any difference to us. <v Alfons Heck>Nearly was a a concept that we didn't understand. <v Raul Hilberg>By and large, the first measures of what I would call ghettoisation <v Raul Hilberg>began. This is not a visible ghetto, but it did <v Raul Hilberg>consist of such measures at first as prohibition of <v Raul Hilberg>intermarriages, and later on the necessity to carry out around <v Raul Hilberg>a card with various markings on it. <v Raul Hilberg>Uh, for example, Jews had to have the middle name for men Israel and for <v Raul Hilberg>women Sara. <v Raul Hilberg>Uh their passports were marked with a J. <v Raul Hilberg>And there were still other ways of identifying Jews. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>Was an old Jewish custom that among the Orthodox on the <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>Sabbath, every Jew, uh every male Jew, would wear a top hat ?inaudible?. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And of course, when that was done, when the Nazis were in power, that was simply a signal
<v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>for them to be beaten up and to be um persecuted. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>So what was done, I have vivid memories of that, in the synagogue itself? <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>The Schul, which is the name for synagogue, they built like wooden <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>uh cubicles where every male Jew was able to store his ?inaudible? <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>his top hat, and therefore he wore regular clothing to the <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>synagogue. But once in the synagogue, the men would then go to the cubicle, take <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>out the top hat and wear the top only for services. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>At the end of service they would put it back into the cubicle. <v Raul Hilberg>Already in 1933, with some exceptions, those in public service, which included <v Raul Hilberg>teachers, were to be dismissed. <v Peter Gay>The head of the Gymnasium was obviously an OK figure for the new regime. <v Peter Gay>Call up my father and ask him to come and see him uh which was a rather <v Peter Gay>astonishing thing. I was doing well and he didn't know what the problem was. <v Peter Gay>Well, it wasn't a problem. There was an argument that he was gonna give my father and did <v Peter Gay>that since I was a good student I should go the classical route and learn Latin.
<v Peter Gay>Uh but anyway, I tell the story only to say that this was the atmosphere even in 1935. <v Peter Gay>Even in a completely you know uh area in our school. <v Peter Gay>No Jewish teachers and uh and so on. <v Peter Gay>So that uh even the head of the school caring about which branch I would take, <v Peter Gay>assuming that I had some sort of future. <v Peter Gay>Uh it's characteristic of the very mixed signals that I was getting. <v Peter Gay>Uh obviously lots of negative ones too. <v Man 2>Children's books obviously are a very important means of communicating an <v Man 2>idea, propagandistic or otherwise, to our culture <v Man 2>and the folk tale, fairy tale <v Man 2>text books were widely circulated, illustrated, translated <v Man 2>into the anti Semitic idiom. <v Alfons Heck>Herr Becker, our elementary tea- teacher was quite a patriot <v Alfons Heck>and also a fanatic Nazi. Uh made sure that we understood <v Alfons Heck>that these people were different.
<v Alfons Heck>Now this was based on a textbook. <v Man 3>Little children are told to be aware of the way- and the way we tell <v Man 3>our children, you know, don't talk to strangers, uh that comes to be <v Man 3>translated very directly, into don't talk to <v Man 3>the Jew. Stay away from the Jew. <v Alfons Heck>I joined the Hitler Youth I- because I wanted to for the adventure, not because <v Alfons Heck>of the ideology. That was already a part of me. <v Alfons Heck>I would have never questioned it. <v Ernest Michel>I remember. I had two non-Jewish boy friends. <v Ernest Michel>Uh we were very close in 33, 34, and then it <v Ernest Michel>changed. I remember even their names. <v Ernest Michel>Kurt Hess and Heintz Munz. <v Ernest Michel>Uh they lived in my neighborhood, we were as close as can be. <v Ernest Michel>In 34, 1935, they became members of the Hitler Youth. <v Ernest Michel>And they didn't know me anymore.
<v Narrator 2>Jewish emigration after Hitler came to power was slow and steady. <v Narrator 2>Approximately 150000 over a five year period. <v Narrator 2>But the majority felt that the persecution they were suffering was temporary and that <v Narrator 2>there was no need for them to leave. <v Siegfried Tischauer>It would blow over. Sooner or later, it has to go. <v Siegfried Tischauer>That was bigger heads than I. <v Siegfried Tischauer>Much bigger head have had the same opinion, that will blow over that <v Siegfried Tischauer>will- won't last. <v Siegfried Tischauer>It didn't last a thousand years, but it lasted 12 years. <v Siegfried Tischauer>[music plays] <v Narrator 2>In those years, the nature of the Jewish communities changed. <v Narrator 2>As they were excluded from the services of the German state, they made their own. <v Narrator 2>They set up regular schools, welfare and loan organizations, as well as cultural <v Narrator 2>groups. They also set up special mechanical and agricultural schools. <v Narrator 2>Provide practical skills for the young prior to going overseas. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>But we were uh optimistic.
<v Dr. Fred Grubel>And uh therefore, the entire tendency was <v Dr. Fred Grubel>the young people should leave and the old people will stay here. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>One of these days, this whole nonsense will be over. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>But the youngsters should not wait for it. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>The old people will stick it out. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>And, uh, somebody. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Some good journalists coined a very touching word <v Dr. Fred Grubel>in German- Aus Kindern werden Briefe. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>That is children become letters from abroad. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>My favorite um thinking about my mother <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>is that every evening I told you that I was a little spoiled. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>Every evening, but spoiled in a good sense, maybe the same way that I spoiled my <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>children. Uh every evening was laying down with me until I fell <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>asleep. Now, from a pedagogical point of view, you know that I would say, hey, hold it, <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>don't do that. But I do remember very vividly that
<v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>um either my father or my mother read me stories and that she actually held me in her <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>arms until I fell asleep. <v Miriam Cohn>I loved the house in which we lived, it was like a large type Westchester <v Miriam Cohn>home, four stories high with a caretaker and a big garden. <v Miriam Cohn>And I really loved the house. <v Miriam Cohn>My mother and my father, who as a rabbi and <v Miriam Cohn>his spouse felt that we were extremely exposed <v Miriam Cohn>as the only Jewish couple in a few blocks. <v Miriam Cohn>And my mother literally did not feel safe there anymore. <v Miriam Cohn>And we took up residence in the apartment reserved <v Miriam Cohn>for rabbis in the synagogue itself. <v Narrator 2>[music plays] Hitler had always had expansionist aims. <v Narrator 2>In March 1938, the German army moved into Austria, quickly making <v Narrator 2>it part of the Third Reich. <v Narrator 2>The Nazis anti-Semetic policies were put into force with a vengeance by the occupiers
<v Narrator 2>as well as the native born. <v Narrator 2>Suddenly Austrian Jews needed to emigrate, causing a refugee crisis. <v Narrator 2>Franklin Roosevelt convened a meeting to address the problem, which was held in Evian <v Narrator 2>in France. <v Karl Schleunes>You have your own conference, uh some 30 or more governments <v Karl Schleunes>represented, frankly, accomplished virtually nothing. <v C. Brooks Peters>Rabbi Leo Beck, who is the chief rabbi of Germany, told me afterwards <v C. Brooks Peters>we had talked before and we talked again after the conference that uh <v C. Brooks Peters>I remember, I shall never forget the words he used. Uh uh he <v C. Brooks Peters>thought that Roosevelt must have had something up his sleeve <v C. Brooks Peters>or he wouldn't have had the conference convened. <v C. Brooks Peters>And when the conference turned out to be a total failure. <v C. Brooks Peters>Uh I remember Rabbi Beck saying uh the future is <v C. Brooks Peters>dim. Nobody wants us. <v C. Brooks Peters>The important thing to me, is the Nazis,
<v C. Brooks Peters>as every reporter in Berlin realized at the time, <v C. Brooks Peters>saw that nobody was willing to take these people and therefore <v C. Brooks Peters>anything that they would do in all probability <v C. Brooks Peters>would not meet with more than verbal remonstrance. <v Narrator 2>[music plays] But Germany still wanted its Jews to emigrate. <v Narrator 2>The government closely monitored any changes in the world's policies towards Jews. <v Karl Schleunes>Polish government in uh early October of 1938 issued <v Karl Schleunes>a decree to the effect that uh <v Karl Schleunes>all Polish citizens, including the uh Polish Jews <v Karl Schleunes>living in Germany at the time, if they had lived uh <v Karl Schleunes>outside of the country for more than five consecutive years, would require a revalidation <v Karl Schleunes>of their passports sent to a consulate in order to allow them to return <v Karl Schleunes>to Poland.
<v Karl Schleunes>The Polish calculation being that the uh increased persecution <v Karl Schleunes>in Germany of Jews might in fact lead some of the 60 <v Karl Schleunes>or perhaps many or all of these 60 to 70 thousand Jews to attempt to <v Karl Schleunes>return to Poland. <v Karl Schleunes>This became very clear as soon as these people began <v Karl Schleunes>going to Polish consulates in Germany to get their Polish passports <v Karl Schleunes>revalidated, the stamp is refused. <v Karl Schleunes>The picture becomes clear. <v C. Brooks Peters>The Germans heard about this and they told the Poles, look, we don't <v C. Brooks Peters>want an additional 10 or 15 thousand uh- <v C. Brooks Peters>Jews who are stateless when already we are <v C. Brooks Peters>interested only in getting rid of the Jews who are German Jews. <v C. Brooks Peters>If you persist in your policy, we will take <v C. Brooks Peters>countermeasures. <v Jack Goldman>And in October 1938, they
<v Jack Goldman>had a roundup of Jews with Polish passports. <v Jack Goldman>Uh in Mannheim [music plays] they only took the men over <v Jack Goldman>18 in ?inaudible?, which was just across the river Rhine. <v Jack Goldman>The entire family was taken. My father had been among those who had been arrested <v Jack Goldman>that day. And then sh- as we found out, he and all the others were shipped uh to <v Jack Goldman>Poland, and they were in ?inaudible?. <v Jack Goldman>That's right on the border, but on the Polish side. <v Narrator 2>The situation in Poland was bleak. <v Narrator 2>The Polish government refused to accept the people dumped across the border who were put <v Narrator 2>up in homes, old army barracks, and barns. <v Zindel Grynszpan>?inaudible? Zindel Grynszpan who had also been shipped to ?inaudible? <v Zindel Grynszpan>and gave testimony at the trial of Adolf Eichmann. <v Grynszpan's Translator>[Grynszpan speaking] The rain was driving hard. People were falling <v Grynszpan's Translator>and fainting.
<v Grynszpan's Translator>Some were suffered heart attacks. <v Grynszpan's Translator>On all sides one saw the old men and women and <v Grynszpan's Translator>our suffering was great. <v Grynszpan's Translator>There was no food. We did not want ?inaudible? <v Grynszpan's Translator>from Thursday to eat any German bread. <v Grynszpan's Translator>Then I wrote a letter to Germany. <v Grynszpan's Translator>No, to France to my son. <v Grynszpan's Translator>Don't write any more letters to Germany. <v Grynszpan's Translator>We are now in ?inaudible? in Poland. <v Narrator 2>His son, Hershel Grynszpan, had left Germany in 36 to try to find something <v Narrator 2>better for himself. He ended up living illegally in Paris. <v Ron Roizen>He was having trouble finding work. <v Ron Roizen>And he was uh um, you know, his residency couldn't be <v Ron Roizen>regularised. His parents uh he heard from a letter from his father <v Ron Roizen>had been deported in this expulsion late in in uh October. <v Ron Roizen>So he was very concerned over his family's welfare. <v Ron Roizen>I think he wanted to- have his sights set on shooting the German ambassador as a symbolic <v Ron Roizen>action. He finally uh made his way into the embassy and uh said that he
<v Ron Roizen>had an important package to deliver to someone, could he see a member of <v Ron Roizen>the delegation and he was shown in to see uh Ernst <v Ron Roizen>vom Rath, vom Rath's office. Vom Rath was a third secretary or I think the lowest ranking <v Ron Roizen>officer at the uh at the embassy and apparently rose to greet him and <v Ron Roizen>Grynszpan wasted little time in uh in uh unloading his revolver. <v Narrator 2>Vom Rath was severely wounded and Grynszpan was quietly handed over to the French <v Narrator 2>police. <v Ron Roizen>He was quoted uh after the assassination to make <v Ron Roizen>a rather eloquent tuh uh uh three line comment about <v Ron Roizen>uh that everywhere he'd gone, he'd been chased like a dog and that being a Jew wasn't <v Ron Roizen>a crime and the Jewish people had a right to exist on the earth somewhere, <v Ron Roizen>and that he uh really felt uh hunted uh <v Ron Roizen>everywhere he'd been and that no uh uh no place would accept him. <v Narrator 2>Late on the afternoon of the 9th in Paris, Ernst vom Rath died.
<v Ernest Michel>And the moment we heard it in the news there was a bulletin. <v Ernest Michel>We knew, ah! This may lead to something. <v Ernest Michel>[music plays] <v Narrator 2>November the 9th was also the 15th anniversary of the Munich Beer Hall Putsch, <v Narrator 2>which was the Nazi's failed attempt to seize power by revolution. <v Narrator 2>Those who died were revered as heroes of the party. <v Narrator 2>This was celebrated annually by the Nazi old guard, in particular the storm troopers. <v Narrator 2>Munich was the center of celebrations. <v Karl Schleunes>On November 9th, Hitler and Goebbels and Himmler <v Karl Schleunes>and Göring and the entire Nazi hierarchy were gathered in <v Karl Schleunes>Munich to to commemorate this most sacred, uh <v Karl Schleunes>sacred of days. And I think it's about seven o'clock that news <v Karl Schleunes>reaches Munich of vom Rath's death in Paris. <v Karl Schleunes>Uh we have some witnesses, people who sort of heard, certainly saw
<v Karl Schleunes>and c- heard what was going on. <v Karl Schleunes>They recall uh Goebbels being in very close conversation <v Karl Schleunes>with Hitler, whispering for a time. <v Karl Schleunes>And one uh witness overhearing at least uh <v Karl Schleunes>the phrase that the SA, the Nazi storm troopers, should be allowed <v Karl Schleunes>perhaps to have a final fling. <v Karl Schleunes>[music plays] And Goebbels is left to make the speech. <v Karl Schleunes>Again an exact record of what he said uh was not kept. <v Karl Schleunes>He spoke uh off the cuff, but enough witnesses suggest <v Karl Schleunes>that he did allude, of course, to the crime in Paris, the Jewish <v Karl Schleunes>crime in Paris, told the audience about the death of vom Rath <v Karl Schleunes>and said that the party leadership would <v Karl Schleunes>uh have nothing against an expression
<v Karl Schleunes>of uh p- resentment on the part of the German people <v Karl Schleunes>against this Jewish crime. <v Raul Hilberg>The Nazi Party and its formations were not to <v Raul Hilberg>enter into any activities <v Raul Hilberg>of violence against the Jews in the streets or in their homes, <v Raul Hilberg>but on the other hand, they were not going to prevent, they <v Raul Hilberg>were not supposed to prevent any spontaneous <v Raul Hilberg>outburst of anger within the German population. <v Raul Hilberg>These orders went out in the late evening hours of the night <v Raul Hilberg>and were interpreted by party officials to mean that the party <v Raul Hilberg>should organize actions against the Jews, but <v Raul Hilberg>that it should not appear as the organizer of <v Raul Hilberg>these actions. [music plays] <v Narrator 2>Quickly, with little or no attempts at disguise, storm troopers throughout the country
<v Narrator 2>began to take their revenge. <v C. Brooks Peters>But at almost uh precisely 2 AM, a motorcade <v C. Brooks Peters>came down the Friedrichstrasse, made a right turn <v C. Brooks Peters>into the Leipzigestrasse, and after the entire <v C. Brooks Peters>motorcade, which consisted of a dozen plus or minus <v C. Brooks Peters>a couple Mercedes touring cars, open touring <v C. Brooks Peters>cars with the tops down. <v C. Brooks Peters>After the entire motorcade had turned in to the Leipzige street, uh <v C. Brooks Peters>at a signal from a man in the first the leading car in <v C. Brooks Peters>the motorcade, the entire motorcade came to a stop. <v C. Brooks Peters>At another signal from the man and the leading car, 4 people <v C. Brooks Peters>of the 5 in each of these automobiles alighted, <v C. Brooks Peters>jumped from the cars and proceeded 2 in each <v C. Brooks Peters>car with an iron crowbar, the other 2 wearing gloves,
<v C. Brooks Peters>presumably to prevent their getting cut. <v C. Brooks Peters>Uh the men with the crowbars banged in the showcase windows <v C. Brooks Peters>of every Jewish owned shop. <v C. Brooks Peters>[music plays] <v Peter Gay>Now, the first thing I saw was the ?inaudible? <v Peter Gay>enormous uh place, almost as large as Macy's. <v Peter Gay>It occupies, occupied, then occupies now a large city block, <v Peter Gay>at about six stories. And what I saw was uh uh an <v Peter Gay>unbelievable mess of smashed windows, mannequins on the on on <v Peter Gay>the street. <v Frederick Oechsner>This uh din of of breaking glass <v Frederick Oechsner>took place in um in an an amazing silence otherwise.
<v Frederick Oechsner>I didn't hear any shouts, noises. <v Frederick Oechsner>It was as quiet as an execution. <v Frederick Oechsner>[music plays] <v Narrator 2>The smashed glass in the store windows of Berlin was just one part of the loosely <v Narrator 2>organized operation simultaneously occurring all over Germany. <v Helga Franks>When I came out. It was a beautiful sunny morning, but <v Helga Franks>I smelled something in the air. And I said, geez, how come it's- what's burning? <v Helga Franks>I mean, it was too late for leaves. <v Helga Franks>And s-. And I turned uh <v Helga Franks>to the right. And I s- saw the te- uh, the synagogue, and <v Helga Franks>I saw lights inside the synagogue. <v Helga Franks>I said, what's going on? Mourning? <v Helga Franks>What is it, a holiday? And I could figure out there was no holiday in November. <v Helga Franks>And then I suddenly looked and I saw a decrepit <v Helga Franks>fire truck standing in front of the temple, a small one.
<v Helga Franks>I said, what's that fire truck doing? And with that, I see one <v Helga Franks>fireman stands standing on behind the <v Helga Franks>synagogue on, on top of another building and having a hose in his hand. <v Helga Franks>And suddenly I realized that this light which I was seeing <v Helga Franks>was fire inside the synagogue. <v Helga Franks>And just firemen was apparently protecting the other building. <v Alfons Heck>I saw the destruction of the synagogue, which was less <v Alfons Heck>than uh 400 yards from our home. <v Alfons Heck>It wasn't burned, but it was destroyed totally on the inside by uh SA <v Alfons Heck>troopers, some civilians, some members of the SS and plenty sooner were <v Alfons Heck>perhaps a hundred people standing outside watching the destruction. <v Alfons Heck>And it was a strange feeling you sort of were stunned by the brutality <v Alfons Heck>of it, but there was also a certain amount of excitement in it. <v Alfons Heck>You thought, if the state can do this, it must be really powerful.
<v Helga Franks>And I ran in crying and I was remember I was crying, I said the synagogue <v Helga Franks>is burning and uh my father <v Helga Franks>ya know got up and ran on next to the window and looked out and <v Helga Franks>said, well, why aren't they doing anything? <v Helga Franks>He was upset. <v Helga Franks>Where's the fire uh men? And I don't know what possess- possessed me, but I said they <v Helga Franks>don't want to do anything. <v Alfons Heck>And I must say, the destruction evoked a certain <v Alfons Heck>amount of fascination, especially in us young. <v Alfons Heck>You almost wanted to smash things, too. <v Alfons Heck>I think that would be a correct description. <v Alfons Heck>And many people seem to ?inaudible? <v Alfons Heck>seem to share that view because several others did go into the synagogue <v Alfons Heck>and helped us smash things. <v Alfons Heck>It was, in fact, my uncle who had turned my friend and I around and chased us home. <v Alfons Heck>[music plays]
<v Narrator 2>Over 1000 synagogues were destroyed in Germany through vandalism, through fire <v Narrator 2>and through explosives. <v Narrator 2>The fire and police departments had been ordered not to interfere with the attacks on <v Narrator 2>synagogues and stores, except the extent of protecting other Aryan property. <v Narrator 2>But the terror didn't stop there. <v Narrator 2>It extended into people's homes. <v Paula Klein>They came in, but I hided my husband with my baby. <v Paula Klein>My ?inaudible? little girl. <v Paula Klein>So my inlaws said, my husband, this baby. <v Paula Klein>We hide it all up in the attic, you know. <v Jack Goldman>My mother opened up the door and they just pushed her aside <v Jack Goldman>as they came in. There were a number of them.
<v Jack Goldman>I don't remember how many of them came in, but there was a group, not just one or two. <v Jack Goldman>And as they were going through the apartment looking for items to uh to throw out the <v Jack Goldman>window and asking for specific items such as prayer books. <v Jack Goldman>Um- I was dumbfounded. <v Paula Klein>Every house, every Jewish house. <v Paula Klein>You could see nothing but stones, stones and glass, some glasses, <v Paula Klein>some dishes and furniture lying there and <v Paula Klein>I can tell you. Everything, broke, broke. <v Ernest Michel>I went to our apartment and a frightful sight <v Ernest Michel>was there. <v Ernest Michel>The apartment was ransacked. <v Ernest Michel>My father had been arrested. <v Ernest Michel>My sister was not there. I didn't know where she was. <v Ernest Michel>My mother was beaten and the whole furniture, everything <v Ernest Michel>was in disarray.
<v Paula Klein>The Kristallnacht came and he saw this piano <v Paula Klein>standing there. I think 50 went like <v Paula Klein>crazy of this piano. <v Paula Klein>Broke this piano, you can't believe it. <v Paula Klein>Left were a little wood. <v Paula Klein>I can't believe it. <v Miriam Cohn>My mother ran into the bedroom, which I shared with my <v Miriam Cohn>sister and she said that we had to get up immediately <v Miriam Cohn>because the Nazis were coming into the building and were <v Miriam Cohn>already in the synagogue next door. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>So my two sisters, my brother and I were four children, were alone <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>in the apartment that night, which turned out to be Kristallnacht. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>So we really didn't know exactly what was happening. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>We do remember the following. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>We got a call from a brother of my father, and he urged <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>us immediately to try to close the doors to our house, to
<v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>pull down the shutters and give the impression as if no one were home. <v Miriam Cohn>So when I left my bedroom, I was met by <v Miriam Cohn>a hulking Nazi with his usual black boots <v Miriam Cohn>that we're all familiar with. <v Miriam Cohn>And I became frightened. <v Miriam Cohn>It was a very big man. It seemed like a very big man. <v Miriam Cohn>And he seemed menacing. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And just at that time, we heard a key turn in our door. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And who walked in? It was the son of the uh Catholic family <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>that lived on the second floor, and this son, who at that time was 17, his name <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>was Felix. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>Uh when he saw me whimpering and he saw all of us uh like uh little scared rabbits, he <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>said, what's going on? And we explained to him and he immediately said, <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>you have nothing to worry about. Felix is here. <v Miriam Cohn>And as I came to the first floor, I saw <v Miriam Cohn>the father of the caretaker of the building standing there
<v Miriam Cohn>in a long night white shirt, which is what Europeans wore at that <v Miriam Cohn>time. Absolutely staring at and glued to <v Miriam Cohn>a spot which was to the right of me. <v Miriam Cohn>And as I looked at that spot, I literally saw the interior <v Miriam Cohn>of the synagogue in flames. <v Miriam Cohn>And slowly the smoke was enveloping our side of the building. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And we thought, you know, it might be bravado of a ?17? <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>year old. What he did was he immediately changed to his Hitler Youth uniform. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And then he leaned out the window on the second floor. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And when the mob came to our house, he said. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>This house has been sold to Aryans. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>Any damage you will do, you'll be responsible for, there are no more Jews here. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And so in a sense uh, it was just a young Catholic, humane <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>individual who saved our lives. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>Regardless, of course, we attended to everyone who came in.
<v Rabbi Karl Richter>It was like a field hospital during a war. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>Doctors and nurses uh chasing around, trying to bind up wounds, to set <v Rabbi Karl Richter>uh broken bones and so forth. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>I remember one 90 year old woman whose ear had been smashed with an ax <v Rabbi Karl Richter>and uh she died a few days later. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>But this was the kind of outrage that happened in the uh uh <v Rabbi Karl Richter>heat of this uh Kristallnacht. <v Frederick Oechsner>It was eerie. Of course, it was terrifying. <v Frederick Oechsner>It was just- uh uh uh everything <v Frederick Oechsner>gone wild. I mean, it was what you have nightmares about. <v Frederick Oechsner>[music plays] <v Ernest Michel>The home and the synagogue, the two centers of our life <v Ernest Michel>in Mannheim uh being uh one burning, the other <v Ernest Michel>one ransacked. Where am I gonna go? What? What am I gonna do? <v Ernest Michel>What's gonna happen to me? <v Narrator 2>Late on the afternoon of the 10th, Goebbels ordered an end to the destruction.
<v Narrator 2>The reaction of the general population was mixed. <v Alfons Heck>The next day in school, Herr Becker our elementary school teacher <v Alfons Heck>was a very straight laced Christian, very anti-Semetic, <v Alfons Heck>explained to us that it's ?incredible? <v Alfons Heck>that property is destroyed. <v Alfons Heck>But he said we have to show these people that they cannot get away with the murder of <v Alfons Heck>German diplomats. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>Uh but there were other people I remember that a pious Christian woman came to my mother <v Rabbi Karl Richter>the day after it happened and said after what they did to the synagogues, <v Rabbi Karl Richter>fire will fall from heaven and destroy our cities. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>Now, she meant it in the biblical sense. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>But as we know, it happened in a real sense. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>When the German cities were destroyed by bombing in the Second World War. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>[music plays] <v Narrator 2>One part of the Kristallnacht continued- the arrest of 20,000 Jewish
<v Narrator 2>males had been ordered by the SS. <v Narrator 2>They and in some cases the local police continued to arrest people, <v Narrator 2>process them through the local jails and ship them to the concentration camps of Dachau, <v Narrator 2>Sachsenhausen and Buchenwald. <v Paula Klein>The next day, ?he? came. <v Paula Klein>?inaudible? we said, ?inaudible? <v Paula Klein>you know? And said, I'm very sorry to my husband. <v Paula Klein>I'm so sorry I have to take you in. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>And I do remember looking out of the window to the street where my father <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>wor- father boarded a truck. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>I do not remember any brutality there. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>And no, there was no screaming. It was very quiet. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>My father was a short, slight man with a mustache and I do remember <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>fainted. He he tried to muster a faint smile <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>and waved as if to say things will be all right. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>There was the last time that I ever saw my father.
<v Siegfried Tischauer>In the afternoon, [coughs] uh we were oh, <v Siegfried Tischauer>always ?inaudible? around a hundred, uh approximately 100 <v Siegfried Tischauer>men. We are marched uh four <v Siegfried Tischauer>abreast to the railway station, flanked on both sides <v Siegfried Tischauer>by police and SS. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>The next day we got all our stuff back. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>We are put on, uh uh, ?inaudible? <v Dr. Fred Grubel>and shipped off to the, uh, station. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Destination, Buchenwald. [music plays] <v Narrator 2>The concentration camps had been set up just after Hitler came to power. <v Narrator 2>In 1938, they were still labor camps, the ovens and gas chambers <v Narrator 2>were still in the future.
<v Siegfried Tischauer>As we arrived there, as, as I've seen it with my own eyes, <v Siegfried Tischauer>an elderly man held a foot there, so he fall and broke his <v Siegfried Tischauer>leg. But it didn't matter to them. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>They, uh, told us that the water is <v Dr. Fred Grubel>spoiled and the water is infected and we only <v Dr. Fred Grubel>get sick if we drink water. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>So for three or four days, we didn't drink until it started <v Dr. Fred Grubel>raining, and I never in my life would have thought that I happy that it rained so that <v Dr. Fred Grubel>I can drink rainwater because the rainwater we knew is clean. <v Siegfried Tischauer>I don't know why, but stuck his rifle right to my stomach and <v Siegfried Tischauer>said, what would you say now, Jew, if I shoot you. <v Siegfried Tischauer>I have always been open, I have never beaten around the bush, I am very, <v Siegfried Tischauer>very open on this. <v Siegfried Tischauer>I speak up, but the good Lord protected me. <v Siegfried Tischauer>I kept my mouth shut because what I would have said would have been the wrong word.
<v Siegfried Tischauer>I would have said I would like it or because he would have probably gotten a medal for <v Siegfried Tischauer>shooting me. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>One thing was very touching. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>When the Orthodox rabbis went around and told <v Dr. Fred Grubel>the Orthodox people that they commit a sin <v Dr. Fred Grubel>if they don't eat this certainly not kosher food, <v Dr. Fred Grubel>because the worst sin is to endanger your own life. <v Siegfried Tischauer>And I had to watch the execution <v Siegfried Tischauer>of four or five, I'm not quite sure, ?inaudible? <v Siegfried Tischauer>uh prisoners on the gallows. <v Siegfried Tischauer>First they played music, you know, waltzes, marches and <v Siegfried Tischauer>uh like this uh Oktoberfest ?inaudible?. <v Siegfried Tischauer>And uh we were forced. <v Siegfried Tischauer>We had to see it. <v Siegfried Tischauer>That uh I think everybody did what's that uh we'll never
<v Siegfried Tischauer>forget that. [music plays] <v Narrator 2>Most who died in the camps died from the bad conditions. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>The sad times began when the first coffins arrived from <v Rabbi Karl Richter>the concentration camps of Dachau and Buchenwald. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>The coffins were closed, you were not permitted to open them. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>Uh we were told to proceed immediately to the cemetery for interment. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>There was always a secret policeman watching the procession <v Rabbi Karl Richter>and listening to it. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>We were strictly warned, not to mention the cause of death, although it happened. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>[music plays] <v Narrator 2>Some of the men were released in a few weeks. <v Narrator 2>Some were held for months. <v Narrator 2>Usually their release was because their families had arranged for immigration. <v Paula Klein>So, he asked me. <v Paula Klein>Who you want to see? I said ?inaudible?.
<v Paula Klein>No, you Jew! I said oh, yes. I want to see him. <v Paula Klein>I want to speak to him for one door to the other door to the other door. <v Paula Klein>I was shaking, you know. <v Paula Klein>So all of a sudden we c- I came in and he was standing me the back. <v Paula Klein>He wouldn't look on me. <v Paula Klein>And his face on the table. <v Paula Klein>What do you want? <v Paula Klein>So I said I'm Jude. <v Paula Klein>And my husband is in Dachau and I want my husband. <v Paula Klein>?I think? he won't listen to me, he listened to me. <v Paula Klein>All of a sudden he turns around. <v Paula Klein>?inaudible? I thought. And now he's shoo- shooting me. <v Paula Klein>Now I'm finished. I'm putting money here. <v Paula Klein>I said, Oh, no, I don't need money. <v Paula Klein>I want my husband. <v Paula Klein>?Tell me the Name? I said Oscar Klein more, I don't know, he's in Dachau. <v Paula Klein>He went on the telephone. I heard it speak.
<v Paula Klein>And then he said, go home, you Jew. <v Paula Klein>I went home. I told my father and my in-laws what I did, <v Paula Klein>you ?inaudible? for nothing, we don't believe it and you know. <v Paula Klein>3, 4 days later my husband came. <v Paula Klein>But you couldn't believe how he looked. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Be they are told, i- immediately after arrival, we should report <v Dr. Fred Grubel>to the Gestapo. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>And some how or other, I even was able to <v Dr. Fred Grubel>uh send a cable or a a telegram to my wife that with which train <v Dr. Fred Grubel>I would come and she picked me up and when I said ?inaudible?, that was in the evening, I <v Dr. Fred Grubel>have to go to Gestapo. She says, no, you feel safe to take it. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Uh I have to take a ?bath? and we go home. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Tomorrow is time enough. She was right. <v Narrator 2>[music plays] In the meantime, the body of Ernst vom Rath was returned to Germany. <v Narrator 2>In the hours before he died, he had been promoted and his funeral was a state event
<v Narrator 2>attended by Hitler himself. <v Narrator 2>Hershel Grynszpan was never tried. <v Narrator 2>No one knows what happened to him. <v Narrator 2>He disappeared while being held by the Germans during World War 2. <v Narrator 2>On November 12th, the meeting was chaired by Hermann Goering, Hitler's right hand man. <v Narrator 2>It evaluated what had happened and ended with several decrees. <v Raul Hilberg>It was a mess as far as Goering was concerned. <v Raul Hilberg>He said this is a terrible thing. It must never happen again. <v Karl Schleunes>Not because uh Jews have been hurt. <v Karl Schleunes>As a matter of fact, at one point he said, I rather that you would have killed two <v Karl Schleunes>hundred Jews, then destroyed all of this uh, destroyed all of this property. <v Karl Schleunes>It's going to take uh uh almost a- a year to replace <v Karl Schleunes>the glass. The glass alone. <v Raul Hilberg>In general, uh the voluntary ?Aryanisation?
<v Raul Hilberg>program became compulsory by the end of the year. <v Raul Hilberg>Liquidations of Jewish enterprises were not pursued. <v Raul Hilberg>Uh Jewish doctors and lawyers were virtually out of business except insofar <v Raul Hilberg>as they still had Jewish clients or patients. <v Raul Hilberg>In short, the Jewish economy was in a total shambles, it had <v Raul Hilberg>begun to disappear and emigration was a dire <v Raul Hilberg>necessity. So that's why Jews began to go to Cuba. <v Raul Hilberg>They went to Shanghai. They went anywhere they could go. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>You see, what I do remember very vividly is my mother, my <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>grandmother, because don't forget my father already was taken away to a detention camp. <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>My mother and my grandmother sitting me down and telling me that I'm <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>supposed to go to Switzerland with a group of children and my crying and saying, I don't <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>wanna go. And I do remember vividly that they said, <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>if you go, your father can come back home and then we'll try- <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>we'll pick you up in six months.
<v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>Today, I know that they knew that that wasn't true because I remember the letters I got <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>into Switzerland, which I still have, uh where my grandmother said it's not going <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>to be so bad and I'm not going to move and uh- I won't go further than the <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>cemetery was my grandmother's um uh saying because she <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>believed in that things would not be so bad it would be like s- a bad time that would <v Dr. Ruth Westheimer>pass over. [music plays] <v Edwin H. Hughes>A plea for the Jew is now a moral plea for ourselves. <v Edwin H. Hughes>Humanity cannot afford to be silent. <v Narrator 2>The Western countries did little to help. <v Narrator 2>The United States at that time had strict immigration quotas. <v Narrator 2>It didn't matter if one had money, visas or affidavits of support from American citizens. <v Ernest Michel>I was told by the American consulate and here, forgive me, I've become <v Ernest Michel>very emotional about it.
<v Ernest Michel>Because this not only affects me, this affected thousands of people. <v Ernest Michel>I was told that <v Ernest Michel>I would be able to come to the United States in <v Ernest Michel>19 hundred and 42. <v Ernest Michel>39, 40, 41. <v Ernest Michel>4 years later. <v Ernest Michel>I had an affidavit. I was 16 years old. <v Ernest Michel>I had an opportunity to get out, but the American government <v Ernest Michel>did not permit me to leave Germany and to get to the <v Ernest Michel>United States. <v Raul Hilberg>Whole idea of conducting violence in the streets <v Raul Hilberg>had become dead. <v Raul Hilberg>Because what had happened was a lot of corruption. <v Raul Hilberg>People were now stuffing their pockets. <v Raul Hilberg>The very thing that the Nazis were afraid of had happened <v Raul Hilberg>and it is interesting to note that that never was a repetition
<v Raul Hilberg>on German soil of a November 10. <v Raul Hilberg>Throughout the Nazi regime. <v Karl Schleunes>In a sense, the solutions now sought for that the Jewish problem <v Karl Schleunes>after Kristallnacht in 1938 are of <v Karl Schleunes>the more orderly variety. <v Karl Schleunes>Although one has to keep in mind that that order, a term orderly, <v Karl Schleunes>in fact also suggests mass murder. <v Raul Hilberg>As either voluntary emigration or forced emigration had become <v Raul Hilberg>impossible, the idea of a territorial solution, <v Raul Hilberg>so-called emerged. <v Raul Hilberg>That was the final solution of the Jewish question in Europe. <v Raul Hilberg>It was in short the annihilation of the Jews. <v Raul Hilberg>[music plays] <v Rabbi Karl Richter>History is memory.
<v Rabbi Karl Richter>Once you do not have a memory of past events, you have no history. <v Helga Franks>I think Kr- uh Kristallnacht was for me sort <v Helga Franks>of the realization that uh it <v Helga Franks>was the end of my life in Germany and <v Helga Franks>it was sort of li- the end of a life of childhood. <v Alfons Heck>I think it ended the feelings of illusion for both <v Alfons Heck>sides, the Jews and us Germans, or if you <v Alfons Heck>were Nazis, because from that moment on, nobody <v Alfons Heck>could be under any illusion what was going to happen at the very <v Alfons Heck>least and it was spelled out very clearly and daily. <v Alfons Heck>Germany was to be cleaned of Jews. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>I believe that the Kristallnacht really was the opening shot <v Rabbi Karl Richter>in the war, in Hitler's war against the Jews. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>And we knew that he aimed. After that time, at total destruction.
<v Rabbi Karl Richter>We hadn't realized it before. <v Rabbi Karl Richter>But I think this was the turning point. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>There was no right left. Absolutely nothing. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>This is the uh fantastic <v Dr. Fred Grubel>uh meaning of this pogrom. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>I like to call it pogrom and not Crystal night, Crystal night is <v Dr. Fred Grubel>uh an invention of the pretty flippant uh street language <v Dr. Fred Grubel>of Berlin, who called it Crystal because there was so much crystal on the street <v Dr. Fred Grubel>and it then was picked up. It was this pogrom which <v Dr. Fred Grubel>for the first time showed that the Nazis are unique <v Dr. Fred Grubel>in their complete disregard for any <v Dr. Fred Grubel>kind of humanity and for any kind of respect <v Dr. Fred Grubel>for pure life. <v Dr. Fred Grubel>Then we knew that was the end.
<v Raul Hilberg>Nevertheless, uh there's a great irony in this whole situation. <v Raul Hilberg>The speed up of Jewish emigration as a consequence <v Raul Hilberg>of November 10, 1938. <v Raul Hilberg>Uh we cannot now say how many Jews would have stayed and <v Raul Hilberg>been trapped in Germany had it not been for November 1938. <v Raul Hilberg>But we can say that almost 100,000 Jews left <v Raul Hilberg>Germany. After November 10 and <v Raul Hilberg>Austria, uh in the case of Austria, we can say that <v Raul Hilberg>perhaps 60,000 or more left Austria after November <v Raul Hilberg>10. This acceleration of emigration simply meant that <v Raul Hilberg>people who might have stayed would have died in Auschwitz. <v Raul Hilberg>Instead, perhaps they went to Cuba. <v Raul Hilberg>Perhaps they went to Shanghai. Perhaps they went to some other not <v Raul Hilberg>desirable place. But nevertheless, one which gave them safety.
<v Paula Klein>When he came everything was broke, I was crying. <v Paula Klein>I said to my husband, my piano my- said that's why you cry? <v Paula Klein>This was not right of you he said you cry about <v Paula Klein>your piano? <v Paula Klein>They kill people. Everybody. <v Paula Klein>A piano we can go buy again. <v Paula Klein>But, you know, that's nothing. <v Paula Klein>He was mad and we ?inaudible?. I cried. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>There's a story in the Talmud which might sum up this whole thing that <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>uh when the Romans were persecuting the Jews way back when. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>They took a famous rabbi and they took a scroll of the Torah and <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>wandered round about him and then they made a bonfire. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And when they asked the rabbi while he was in deep agony, what do you see? <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>His answer was, I see the parchment burning, but I see the letters <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>soaring upward. <v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>And I guess what the Talmud is trying to say is that the spirit can
<v Rabbie Manfred Fulda>never be destroyed. [music plays] <v Narrator 1>Funding for More Than Broken Glass. Memories of Kristallnacht was provided by these <v Narrator 1>and other contributors.
<v Narrator 1>A complete list is available from PBS. <v Narrator 1>[PBS theme plays]
- Producing Organization
- WNYC-TV (Television station : New York, N.Y.)
- Contributing Organization
- The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia)
- AAPB ID
- cpb-aacip-526-c53dz0446f
If you have more information about this item than what is given here, or if you have concerns about this record, we want to know! Contact us, indicating the AAPB ID (cpb-aacip-526-c53dz0446f).
- Description
- Program Description
- "On October 26, an inter-faith screening of WNYC-TV/31's documentary of MORE THAN BROKEN GLASS: MEMORIES OF KRISTALLNACHT was held at New York's Temple Emanu-El. Six hundred invited guests comprised of religious, educational, cultural and political leaders from New York, New Jersey and Connecticut listened and watched as Dr. Ruth Westheimer, Holocaust historian and former New York Times correspondent C. Brooks Peters among others relived the [tragic] events of November 9, 1938, Kristallnacht, the night of broken glass. The significance of the location struck a nerve with the audience. Fifty years earlier, on the night that was to become known as the night the Holocaust began, Jewish homes, business and synagogues were systematically destroyed in the first night of organized Nazi terror against German and Austrian Jews. "In commemoration of the 50th anniversary of Kristallnacht, WNYC produced the first American film completely devoted to this disturbing subject. The film written, produced, and directed by Chris Pelzer, a Christian, took a year to complete. Its funding was derived from individuals, families and foundations around the country. Through the use of stirring music, archival footage, personal snapshots and the words of witnesses MORE THAN BROKEN GLASS: MEMORIES OF KRISTALLNACHT magnifies the consequences that can occur when basic human rights are violated. "After its premier broadcast, WNYC received requests from school, universities, churches, synagogues and museums nationwide, in Canada, Mexico and Israel for the film to be included in permanent collections and libraries."--1988 Peabody Awards entry form.
- Broadcast Date
- 1988
- Created Date
- 1988
- Asset type
- Program
- Media type
- Moving Image
- Duration
- 00:59:54.537
- Credits
-
-
Producing Organization: WNYC-TV (Television station : New York, N.Y.)
- AAPB Contributor Holdings
-
The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the
University of Georgia
Identifier: cpb-aacip-4295f277bd8 (Filename)
Format: U-matic
Duration: 2:00:00
If you have a copy of this asset and would like us to add it to our catalog, please contact us.
- Citations
- Chicago: “More Than Broken Glass: Memories of Kristallnacht,” 1988, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed April 29, 2025, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-526-c53dz0446f.
- MLA: “More Than Broken Glass: Memories of Kristallnacht.” 1988. The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. April 29, 2025. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-526-c53dz0446f>.
- APA: More Than Broken Glass: Memories of Kristallnacht. Boston, MA: The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-526-c53dz0446f