The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer; George Bush State of the Union

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. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . on the statement, Brooks. How would you describe the importance of this particular speech to President Bush at this particular time? I think it's important, Jim, if his last two years are going to have any sort of a positive record.

This is a president who is at the lowest point of his presidency in popular support or endorsement of either his personal qualities or his leadership in Iraq or in general. And tonight is a chance to, I think, try and establish some relationship with Democrats who, the first time are in power and have been essentially ignored as the Republicans have run the city for the past six years. We see Mrs. Bush, the first lady in Linchaney, the second lady in the balcony, having just arrived. Mrs. Bush and Red, Mrs. Cheney, and White. David, you agree that this is a chance for the president to end up with a speech, just a speech, to turn things around or help begin, turn things around. Well, he's got to follow through on the legislative agenda. I think they've actually come up with a pretty impressive legislative package. The question is whether the people who will be listening do anything about it. And that's one of the maybe begin to build some bridges. It's much more thematic apparently

than previous speeches. A little Iraq, but mostly putting them in the context of the war on terror. One of my sources told me today, there'd be fewer applause lines than in previous speeches. And I felt like telling him, well, you've spent six years guaranteeing that there'd be a few applause lines because it will obviously be a much more hostile audience. Here we see the Supreme Court joining the all. We just saw them. There is the, of course, the Chief Justice John Roberts. So Anthony Kennedy, Steve Breyer, and those are the three. Three of the Samuel Lito. So there are four of the nine members. And this is Kerry Hanley, the Deputy Sergeant of Arms, who is making the announcement. She announced the Supreme Court. And now she's in, now here's the cabinet. Senior member, always the Secretary of State,

and finally survives and repulsing behind him. The Secretary of the Treasury, the Cabinet, has ranked. And the Republicans, the Secretary of the Treasury, had a relatively low profile so far. People expected him to have a larger profile than he has. It's been a lot of work in China. Yeah, a lot of overseas trade. There is, of course, Secretary of Defense. Bob Gates, the newest member. Secretary Kim Thorne, Secretary of the Interior. For the record, there's always one member of the Cabinet who is not present in case of a catastrophic event. And that is Alberto Gonzalez tonight, the Attorney General of the United States, will not be in the hall or the State of the Union. There was Secretary Condolee Saraj, just back from a trip to the Middle East. There is a Secretary of Commerce. Secretary of Labor, and Mike Levitt,

Secretary of Health and Human Services, Governor Utah. Thank you very much, and thank you very much. The interesting thing, of course, is always, when the members of the Cabinet and the President, if the members of the, particularly the House representatives, line up to get on the get-eye seats for their photo ops. And what's interesting is, by partisan, it is, you know, even some of the most liberal Democrats or the most conservative Republican. And there's, of course, the Secretary of Homeland Security, I'm sure it all can make us into the fears, right? Right before him. The, after the Cabinet comes,

then we will be the pronouncement madam speaker. First time, that has ever happened, there has been a madam speaker of the House of Representatives, obviously, Nancy Pelosi. And then the Sergeant of Arms, Mr. Wilson Livinggood, will announce the President, and then, and Speaker Pelosi will introduce the President, and then the President will make his speech. There's still some time here, of course. Now, you see, the wide shot there, there is, we did just saw Speaker Pelosi standing at the roster with the Vice President of the United States. President Cheney, of course, who is the President of the Senate. They are the presiding officers of the Congress. And as things are just been told that the President is running a few moments late. There you see the other members of the House and Senate,

the diplomatic corps, has also come in earlier. The military chiefs, the Marine General Peter Pace, who is chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and the other members of the Joint Chiefs are already present. They will also, on our screen, will be to the right, always to the left, or usually to the left of the Supreme Court. Now, there's the, there's the, there's the magic door. And in a moment, Barry Sullivan, who is the manager of the House Democratic program, will announce the Speaker. And then, was some living good, will announce the coming out of the, of the President. President, the word is marked that the President's got 40-minute speech. And as you mentioned, David, a lot about domestic affairs, health care, immigration, social security,

at addition, of course, to Iraq. And I think Iraq will be placed in the context of larger war on terror. They thought they covered Iraq in the last feature, a little while ago. No, no, no, all right. Now, here now, the President is at the door, so we're just about to begin. First, the, there's the, there's the cabinet again. We're seeing part of the, there's Senator Richard Luger, Senator Hensky. Senator Kluman. Senator Spillings from the Department of Education, in the thing. So. Mm-hmm. Mr. Livinggood is a holdover. When the, that's unusual. That's very, it's unusual. There's a chance, of course, they hadn't been a change of parties for 40 years from 1954 to 1994. And then when the Republicans came in, Newt Gingrich had a clean sweep and got rid of the all the house officers, the people who do the business of

the house, the clerk, and the others as the new speaker. Speaker Pelosi, in the interest of continuity and not being partisan, or at least overtly partisan, right at the outset, asked Mr. Livinggood to remain as the, as the Sergeant of the House. Right here now is the President about to be announced. Madam Speaker, the President of the United States. Now, of course, behind the President of course, there's always an escort committee. The leaders of the Congress, the United States, both parties. The meeting behind the President is John Boehner, who's the, now the House, my daughter, leader. Behind him, someone left in the corner.

There's a cinema over there. And then Harry Reid, the Senate Majority Leader, and we're talking about it. He's saying McConnell obviously can come check it. And there's the President, making that, you know. That the ritual of greeting down the main hall, the main aisle, photo op aisle, they call it. The word in the speech from both sides is that the President really does. He's been trying to speak in a bipartisan way, and then the Democrats are going to answer. Maybe not Senator Webb, but some of the others in a part of the speech they'll see. The word is Senator Webb.

We give the Democrats a response to us in harsh words to say about the President and the House of the Iraq situation. Mirroring words that others have spoken. Now the President, when he takes the roster from there, of course, you see that the heads of the military chiefs, that's General Payspring, and he's just wearing the green on the left. General Conway, coming out of the Marine Corps, just now talking to the President. Now the President, I would say, start to say the President, go up to the roster, and then he will be introduced again. There will be applause, and we'll hand those copies of the speech to the Speaker and to the Vice President, and then the show will belong. Here we go.

Thank you, sir. History here being made, as it has been made, since that's the Pelosi became the Speaker of the House. For the Speaker of the House, I would say now the first woman to preside over a state of the Union address of John Sessions of the Congress of the United States. I don't think so. It's such a different image. Then he has got a couple of meals, and we think it's sitting up there, and we just remember that school girls all over the night are going to follow up with. The President is going to be the Speaker, which is unthinkable 10 years ago, five years ago. Here we go.

Now the Speaker introduces the President. Members of Congress, I have the high privilege and the distinct honor of presenting to you the President of the United States. Thank you very much. That's a very interesting point, David, but whatever the realities are else here. Thank you very much. It's a high privilege and distinct honor of my own as the first President to begin the state of the Union message with these words. Madam Speaker. Thank you very much. In his day, the late Congressman Thomas Delisandro Jr.

from Baltimore, Maryland saw a President's Roosevelt and Truman at this roster, but nothing could compare with the side of his only daughter Nancy, presiding tonight as Speaker of the House of Representatives. Congratulations, Madam Speaker. Thank you. Two members of the House and Senator now with us tonight and we pray for the recovery and speedy return of Senator Kim Johnson and Congressman Charlie Norwood. Thank you. Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress, distinguished guests and fellow citizens. The right of custom brings us together at a defining hour

when decisions are hard and courage is needed. We enter the year 2007 with large endeavors underway and others that are ours to begin. And all of this, much is asked of us. We must have the will to face difficult challenges and determine enemies and the wisdom to face them together. Some of this chamber are new to the House and the Senate and I congratulate the Democrat majority. Congress has changed but not our responsibilities. Each of us has guided by our own convictions and to these we must stay faithful. Yet we're all held to the same standards and called to serve the same good purposes to extend this nation's prosperity to spend the people's money wisely to solve problems,

not leave them to future generations to guard America against all evil and to keep faith with those we have sent forth to defend us. We're not the first to come here with a government divided and uncertain in the air. Like many before us, we can work through our differences and we can achieve big things for the American people. Our citizens don't much care which side of the aisle we sit on as long as we're willing to cross that aisle when there's work to be done. Our job is to make life better for our fellow Americans and to help them build a future of hope and opportunity and this is the business before us tonight. A future of hope and opportunity begins with a growing economy and that is what we have.

We're now in the 41st month of uninterrupted job growth a recovery that has created 7.2 million new jobs so far, unemployment is low inflation is low, wages are rising. This economy is on the move and our job is to keep it that way not with more government but with more enterprise. Next week, I'll deliver a full report on the state of our economy. Tonight, I want to discuss three economic reforms that deserve to be priorities for this Congress. We can do so without raising taxes. But we need a spending discipline in Washington, D.C.

We set a goal of cutting the deficit in half by 2009 and met that goal three years ahead of schedule. Now, let us take the next step. In the coming weeks, I will submit a budget that eliminates the federal deficit within the next five years. I ask you to make the same commitment. Together, we can restrain the spending appetite of the federal government and we can balance the federal budget. Next, there's the matter of earmarks. These special interest items are often slipped into bills at the last hour when not even sea span is watching. 2005 alone, the number of earmarks

screwed over 13,000 and total nearly $18 billion. Even worse, over 90 percent of the earmarks never make it to the floor of the House and the Senate. They're dropped into committee reports that are not even part of the bill that arrives on my desk. You didn't vote them into law? I didn't sign them into law. Yet they're treated as if they have the force of law. The time has come to end this practice. So let us work together to reform the budget process, expose every earmark the light of day and to a vote in Congress and cut the number and cost of earmarks at least in half by the end of this session. And finally, to keep this economy strong, we must take on the challenge of entitlements. Social security and Medicare and Medicaid are commitments of conscience.

And so is our duty to keep them permanently sound. Yet we're failing in that duty. And this failure will one day leave our children with three bad options, huge tax increases, huge deficits, or huge intermediate cuts and benefits. Everyone in this chamber knows this to be true. Yet somehow, we have not found it in ourselves to act. So let us work together and do it now. With enough good sense and good will, you and I can fix Medicare and Medicaid and save Social Security. APPLAUSE Spreading opportunity and hoping America also requires public schools that give children the knowledge and character they need in life. Five years ago, we rose above partisan differences to pass the No Child Left Behind Act, preserving local control, raising standards,

and holding schools accountable for results. And because we act as students are performing better in reading and math, the minority students are closing the achievement gap. Now the task is to build on the success, without watering down standards, without taking control from local communities, and without backsliding and calling it reform. We can live student achievement even higher by giving local leaders flexibility to turn around failing schools. And by giving families with children stuck in failing schools, the right to choose some place better. APPLAUSE We must increase funds for students who struggle and make sure these children get the special help they need. APPLAUSE And we make sure our children are prepared for the jobs of the future

and our country is more competitive by strengthening math and science skills. The No Child Left Behind Act has worked for America's children and I ask Congress to reauthorize this good law. APPLAUSE A future of hope and opportunity requires that all our citizens have affordable and available health care. APPLAUSE When it comes to health care, government has an obligation to care for the elderly, the disabled and poor children, and we will meet those responsibilities. For all other Americans, private health insurance is the best way to meet their needs. APPLAUSE

But many Americans cannot afford a health insurance policy. And so tonight, I propose two new initiatives to help more Americans afford their own insurance. First, I propose a standard tax deduction for health insurance that will be like the standard tax deduction for dependence. Families with health insurance will pay no income on payroll taxes or payroll taxes on $15,000 of their income. Single Americans with health insurance will pay no income or payroll taxes on $7,500 of their income. With this reform, more than 100 million men, women and children who are now covered by employer-provided insurance will benefit from lower tax bills. At the same time, this reform will level the playing field for those who do not get health insurance through their job. For Americans who now purchase health insurance on their own, this proposal would mean a substantial tax savings,

$4,500 for a family of four making $60,000 a year. And for the millions of other Americans who have no health insurance at all, this deduction would help put a basic private health insurance plan within their reach. Changing the tax code is a vital and necessary step to making health care affordable for more Americans. My second proposal is to help the states that are coming up with innovative ways to cover the uninsured. States that make basic private health insurance available to all their citizens should receive federal funds to help them provide this coverage to the poor and the sick. I've asked Secretary of Health and Human Services to work with Congress to take existing federal funds and use them to create affordable choices grants. These grants would give our nation's governors more money

and more flexibility to get private health insurance to those most in need. There are many other ways that Congress can help. We need to expand health savings accounts. We need to help small businesses through association health plans. We will encourage price transparency and to protect good doctors from junk lawsuits we need to pass medical liability reform. And all we do, we must remember that the best health care decisions are not made by government and insurance companies

but by patients and their doctors. APPLAUSE Extending hope and opportunity in our country requires an immigration system worthy of America. With laws that are fair and borders that are secure, when laws and borders are routinely violated, we should establish a legal and orderly path for foreign workers to enter our country to work on a temporary basis. As a result, they won't have to try to sneak in. And as a result, we need to make sure the government's infrastructure and that requires a temporary worker program. So, we need to make sure that the workers are in order to

identify the legal status of their workers. So there's no excuse left for violating the law. It's a great tradition of the melting pot that welcomes and assimilates new arrivals. We need to resolve the status of the illegal immigrants who are already in our country without animosity and without amnesty. APPLAUSE Convictions run deep in this capital when it comes to immigration. Let us have a serious civil and conclusive debate so that you can

pass and I can sign comprehensive immigration reform into law. APPLAUSE Standing open opportunity depends on the stable supply of energy that keeps America's economy running in America's environment clean. For too long, our nation has been dependent on foreign oil. This dependence leaves us more vulnerable to hostile regimes and to terrorists who could cause huge disruptions of oil shipments and raise the price of oil and do great harm to our economy. It's in our vital interest to diversify America's energy supply. The way forward is through technology. We must continue changing the way America generates electric power, but even greater use of clean coal technology, solar and wind energy, and clean safe nuclear power. APPLAUSE

We need to press on with battery research for plug-in and hybrid vehicles and expand the use of clean diesel vehicles and biodiesel fuel. We must continue investing in new methods of producing ethanol. APPLAUSE Using everything from wood chips to grasses to agricultural wastes, we made a lot of progress. Thanks to good policies here in Washington and the strong response of the market. And now even more dramatic advances are within reach. Tonight I ask Congress to join me in pursuing a great goal. Let us build on the work we've done and reduce gasoline usage in the United States by 20% in the next 10 years. APPLAUSE When we do that, we will have cut our total imports by the

equivalent of three quarters of all the oil we now import from the Middle East. To reach this goal, we must increase the supply of alternative fuels by setting a mandatory fuel standard to require 35 billion gallons of renewable and alternative fuels in 2017. And that is nearly five times the current target. APPLAUSE At the same time, we need to reform and modernize fuel economy standards for cars the way we did for light trucks. And conserve up to 8.5 billion more gallons of gasoline by 2017. Cheating these ambitious goals will dramatically reduce our dependence on foreign oil, but it's not going to eliminate it. And so as we continue to diversify our fuel supply, we must step up domestic oil production in environmentally sensitive ways.

And to further protect America against severe disruptions to our oil supply, I ask Congress to double the current capacity of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. APPLAUSE America is on the verge of technological breakthroughs that will enable us to live our lives less dependent on oil. And these technologies will help us be better stewards of the environment, and they will help us to confront the serious challenge of global climate change. APPLAUSE A future of open opportunity requires a fair and partial system of justice. The lives of our citizens across our nation are affected by the

outcome of cases pending in our federal courts. We have a shared obligation to ensure that the federal courts have enough judges to hear those cases and deliver timely rulings. The President and I have a duty to nominate qualified men and women to vacancies on the federal bench, and the United States Senate has a duty as well. To give those nominees a fair hearing and a prompt a per-down vote on the Senate floor. APPLAUSE For all of us in this room, there's no higher responsibility than to protect the people of this country from danger. Five years have come and gone since we saw the scenes and felt the sorrow that the terrorists can cause. We've had time to take stock of our situation. We've added many critical protections to guard the homeland.

We know a certainty that the horrors of that September morning were just a glimpse of what the terrorists intend for us, unless we stop them. With the distance of time, we find ourselves debating the causes of conflict and the courts we have followed. Such debates are essential when a great democracy faces great questions. One question has surely been settled. At the end of the war on terror, we must take the fight to the enemy. APPLAUSE From the start American, our allies have protected our people by staying on the offense. The enemy knows that the days of comfortable sanctuary, easy movement, steady financing, and free-flowing

communications are long over. For the terrorist license 9-11 has never been the same. Our success in this war is often measured by the things that did not happen. We cannot know the full extent of the attacks that we and our allies have prevented. But here's some of what we do know. We are trying to plot the high-jacked airplane into the tallest building on the west coast. We broke up a Southeast Asian terror cell, grooming operatives for attacks inside the United States. We are now trying to sell developing anthrax to be used in attacks against America. Just last August, British authorities uncovered a plot to blow up a passenger plane, bound for America over the Atlantic Ocean. Today we owe a data gratitude to the brave public servants who devote their lives to finding the terrorists and stopping them. Thank you. Every success against the terrorists is a reminder of the

shoreless ambitions of this enemy. The evil that inspired and rejoiced in 9-11 is still at work in the world. As long as that's the case, America is still a nation at war. In the mind of the terrorists, this war began well before September 11th, and will not end until their radical vision is fulfilled. And these past five years have given us a much clearer view of the nature of this enemy. Al-Qaeda and his follows are Sunni extremists possessed by hatred and commanded by a harsh and narrow ideology. Take almost any principle of civilization and their goal is the opposite. They preach with threats, instruct with bullets and bombs, and promise paradise for the murder of the innocent. Our enemies are quite explicit about their intentions. They want to overthrow moderate governments and establish safe havens from which to plan and carry out new attacks on our country.

By killing and terrorizing Americans, they want to force our country to retreat from the world and abandon the cause of liberty. They would then be free to impose their will and spread their totalitarian ideology. Listen to this warning from the late terrorists are going to make sure we will sacrifice our blood and bodies to put an end to your dreams, and what is coming is even worse. Some have been lauded to clear death is better than living on this earth with the unbelievers among us. These men are not given idle words, and they are just one camp in the Islamist radical movement. In recent times, it has also become clear that we face an escalating danger from Shia extremists who are just as innocent, and are also determined to dominate the Middle East, many are known to take direction from the regime in Iran, which is funding an army terrorist like Hezbollah, a group second only to al-Qaeda in the American lives it has taken.

The Shia and Sunni extremists are different faces of the same totalitarian threat. Whatever slogans they chant, when they slaughter the innocent, they have the same wicked purposes. They want to kill Americans, kill democracy in the Middle East, and gain the weapons to kill on an even more horrific scale. In the six years since our nation was attacked, I wish I could report to you that the dangers have ended. They have not. And so it remains the policy of this government to use every lawful and proper tool of intelligence, diplomacy, law enforcement, and military action to do our duty to find these enemies and to protect the American people. This war is more than a clash of arms. It is a decisive ideological struggle, and the security

of our nation is in the balance. To prevail, we must remove the conditions that inspire blind hatred and drove 19 men to get on to airplanes and to come and kill us. Whatever terrorist fears most is human freedom. Societies where men and women make their own choices answer to their own conscience and live by their hopes instead of their resentments. People are not drawn to violent and malignant ideologies. And most will choose a better way when they're given a chance. So we advance our own security interests by helping moderates and reformers and brave voices for democracy. The great question of our day is whether America will help men and women in the Middle East to build free societies and share in the rights of all humanity. And I say, for the sake of our own security, we must. In the last two years, we've seen the desire for liberty in the world.

In 2005, the world was as a citizens of Lebanon raised the banner of the Cedar Revolution. They drove out the Syrian occupiers and chose new leaders in free elections. In 2005, the people of Afghanistan defied the terrorists and elected a Democratic legislature. And in 2005, the Iraqi people held three national elections, choosing a transitional government, adopting the most progressive Democratic Constitution in the Arab world, and then electing a government under that Constitution. Despite endless threats from the killers in their midst, nearly 12 million Iraqi citizens came out to vote in a show of hope and solidarity that we should never forget. I'm thinking enemy. I'm thinking enemy wash all these scenes, adjusted their tactics, and in 2006, they struck back. In Lebanon, assassins took the life of Pierre J.

Mayall, a prominent participant in the Cedar Revolution. Hezbollah Terrace was support from Syria and Iran so conflict in the region and are seeking to undermine Lebanon's legitimately elected government. In Afghanistan, Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters tried to regain power by regrouping and engaging Afghan and NATO forces. In Iraq, al-Qaeda and other Sunni extremists blew up one of the most sacred places in Shia Islam. The golden mosque of Samara. This atrocity, directed at a Muslim house of prayer, was designed to provoke retaliation from Iraqi Shia, and it succeeded. Radical Shia elements, some of whom received support from Iran formed deskwads. The result was a tragic escalation of sectarian rage and reprisal that continues to this day. This is not the fight we entered in Iraq, but it is the fight we're in.

Every one of us wishes this war were over in one. Yet it would not be like us to leave our promises unkept, our friends abandoned, and our own security at risk. APPLAUSE Ladies and gentlemen, on this day at this hour, it is still within our power to shape the outcome of this battle. Let us find our resolve and turn events toward victory. APPLAUSE We're carrying out a new strategy in Iraq, a plan that demands more from Iraq's elected government and gives our forces an Iraq the reinforcements they need

to complete their mission. Our goal is a democratic Iraq that upholds the rule of law, respects the rights of its people, provides them security, and is an ally in the war on terror. In order to make progress toward this goal, the Iraqi government must stop the sectarian violence in its capital, but the Iraqis are not yet ready to do this on their own. So we're deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional soldiers and Marines to Iraq. The vast majority will go to Baghdad, where they will help Iraqi forces to clear and secure neighborhoods and serve as advisors embedded in Iraqi army units. The Iraqis in the lead are forces will help secure the city by chasing down the terrorists and surgeons and the roaming deskwads. And an embark province where al-Qaeda terrorists have gathered and local forces have begun showing a willingness to fight them. We're sending an additional 4,000 United States Marines

with orders to find the terrorists and clear them out. We didn't drive al-Qaeda out of their safe haven in Afghanistan, only to let them set up a new safe haven in a free Iraq. People of Iraq want to live in peace and now it's time for their government to act. Iraq's leaders know that our commitment is not open-ended. They have promised to deploy more of their own troops to secure Baghdad, and they must do so. They pledge that they will confront violent radicals of any faction or political party, and they need to follow through and lift needless restrictions on Iraqi and coalition forces. So these troops can achieve their mission of bringing security to all of the people of Baghdad.

Iraq's leaders have committed themselves to a series of benchmarks to achieve reconciliation to share oil revenues among all Iraq citizens, but the wealth of Iraq into the rebuilding of Iraq to allow more Iraqis to re-enter their nation's civic life to hold local elections and to take responsibility for security in every Iraqi province. But for all this to happen, Baghdad must be secure. And our plan will help the Iraqi government take back its capital and make good on its commitments. My fellow citizens are military commanders, and I have carefully weighed the options. We discussed every possible approach. In the end, I chose this course of action because it provides the best chance for success. Many in this chamber understand that America must not fail in Iraq because you understand that the consequences of failure would be grievous in far reaching. For American forces, step back before Baghdad

is secure, the Iraqi government would be overrun by extremists on all sides. We could expect an epic battle between Shia extremists backed by Iran and Sunni extremists aided by al-Qaeda and supporters of the old regime. A contagion of violence could spill out across the country and in time, the entire region could be drawn into the conflict. For America, this is a nightmare scenario. For the enemy, this is the objective. Chaos is the greatest ally, their greatest ally in this struggle. And out of chaos in Iraq would emerge and embolden enemy with new safe havens, new recruits, new resources, and an even greater determination to harm America to allow this to happen would be to ignore the lessons of September the 11th and invite tragedy. Ladies and gentlemen, nothing is more important

at this moment in our history than for America to succeed in the Middle East to succeed in Iraq and to spare the American people from this danger. This is where matters stand tonight in the here and now. I've spoken with many of you in person. I respect you in the arguments you've made. We went into this largely united in our assumptions and in our convictions. And whatever you voted for, you did not vote for failure. Our country is pursuing a new strategy in Iraq and I ask you to give it a chance to work. And I ask you to support our troops in the field and those on their way.

Thank you very much. The war on terror we fight today is a generational struggle that will continue long after you and I have turned our duties both parties in both branches should work in close consultation. So I have proposed to establish a special advisory council on the war on terror made up of leaders in Congress from both political parties. We will share ideas for how to position America to meet every challenge that confronts us. We'll show our enemies abroad that were united in the goal of victory.

And one of the first steps we can take together is to add to the ranks of our military. So that the American armed forces are ready for all the challenges ahead. Tonight. Tonight I ask the Congress to authorize an increase in the size of our active Army Marine Corps by 92,000 in the next five years. Second task we can take on together is to design and establish a volunteer civilian reserve corps. Such a corps would function much like our military reserve but ease the burden on the armed forces by allowing us to hire civilians with critical skills to serve on missions abroad when America needs them. But give people across America who do not

wear the uniform a chance to serve in the defining struggle of our time. Americans can have confidence in the outcome of this struggle because we're not in the struggle alone. We have a diplomatic strategy that is rallying the world to join in the fight against extremism. Interact multinational forces are operating the mandate from the United Nations. We're working with Jordan and Saudi Arabia and Egypt in the Gulf states to increase support for Iraq's government. The United Nations has imposed sanctions on Iran and made it clear that the world will not allow the regime and Tehran to acquire nuclear weapons. Thank you. Other members of the quartet, the UN, the EU and Russia were pursuing diplomacy to help bring peace to the Holy Land and pursuing the establishment of a democratic Palestinian state

tied by side with Israel in peace and security. And Afghanistan NATO has taken the lead in turning back the Taliban and al-Qaeda offensive. The first time the alliance has deployed forces outside the North Atlantic area. Together with our partners in China and Japan, Russia and South Korea were pursuing an intensive diplomacy to achieve a Korean peninsula free of nuclear weapons. We will continue to speak out for the cause of freedom in places like Cuba, Belarus and Burma, and continue to awaken the conscience of the world to save the people of Dafur. American foreign policy is more than a matter of war and diplomacy. Our work in the world is also based on a timeless truth

to whom much is given, much is required. We hear the call to take on the challenges of hunger and poverty and disease, and that is precisely what America is doing. We must continue to fight HIV-AIDS, especially on the continent of Africa. Because you funded the emergency plan for AIDS relief, the number of people receiving life-saving drugs has grown from 50,000 to more than 800,000 in three short years. I ask you to continue funding our efforts to fight HIV-AIDS, and I ask you to provide $1.2 billion over five years so we can combat malaria in 15 African countries. I ask that you fund the Millennium Challenge account so that American aid reaches the people who need it, and nations where democracy is on the rise,

and corruption is in retreat. Let us continue to support the expanded trade and debt relief that are the best hope for lifting lives and eliminating poverty. When America serves others in this way, we show the strength and generosity of our country. These deeds reflect the character of our people. The greatest strength we have is the heroic kindness and courage and self-sacrifice of the American people. You see this spirit often, if you know where to look, and tonight we need only look above to the gallery. The Kim Bay, with Tumbo, grew up in Africa, amid great poverty and disease. He came to Georgetown University on a scholarship to study medicine, Coach John Thompson took a look at the Kim Bay,

and had a different idea. Kim Bay became a star in the NBA, and a citizen of the United States. But he never forgot the land of his birth, or the duty to share his blessings with others. He built a brand-new hospital in his old hometown. A friend has said of this good-hearted man, but Tumbo believes that God has given him this opportunity to do great things, and we're proud to call this son of the Congo a citizen of the United States of America. Thank you. After her daughter was born,

Julie Eigener Clark searched for ways to share her love of music and art with her child. So she borrowed some equipment, and began filming children's videos in her basement. The Baby Einstein Company was born, and in just five years her business grew to more than $20 million in sales. November 2001, Julie sold Baby Einstein to Walt Disney Company, and with her help, Baby Einstein has grown into a $200 million business. Julie represents a great enterprising spirit of America, and she's using her success to help others, producing child safety videos with John Walsh of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children. Julie says that her new project, I believe it is the most important thing I have ever done. I believe that children have the right to live and a world that is safe. And so tonight, we are pleased to welcome this talented business entrepreneur and generous social entrepreneur, Julie Eigener Clark. APPLAUSE

Three weeks ago, Wesley Autry was waiting at a Harlem subway station with his two little girls. When he saw a man fall into the path of a train, with seconds to act, Wesley jumped onto the tracks, pulled the man into the space between the rails, and held him as a train passed right above their heads. He insists he's not a hero. He says, we got guys and girls overseas dying for us to have our freedoms. We have got to show each other some love. There is something wonderful about a country that produces a brave and humble man like Wesley Autry. APPLAUSE APPLAUSE

Tommy Raymond was a teenager pumping gas and independence Kentucky when he enlisted in the United States Army. In December 2003, he was on a reconnaissance mission in Iraq when his team came under heavy enemy fire. From his Humvee Sergeant Raymond returned fire. He used his body as a shield to protect his gunner. He was shot in the chest and arm and received shrapnel wounds to his legs, yet he refused medical attention and stayed in the fight. He helped to repel a second attack firing grenades at the enemy's position. For his exceptional courage, Sergeant Raymond was awarded the silver star. And like so many other Americans who have volunteered to defend us, he has earned the respect and the gratitude of our entire country. APPLAUSE

APPLAUSE In such courage and compassion, ladies and gentlemen, we see the spirit and character of America. And these qualities are not in short supply. This is a decent and honorable country and resilient too. We've been through a lot together. We've met challenges and faced dangers and we know that more lie ahead. Yet we can go forward with confidence because the state of our union is strong. Our cause and the world is right

and tonight that cause goes on. God bless. APPLAUSE APPLAUSE And there are the state of the union addressed by President Bush was speech by my calculations ran roughly 50 minutes. There he's taking hands with the madam speaker speaker of the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi and of course the vice president of the United States, who is the president of the Senate, the presiding officers of this joint session of Congress. APPLAUSE For people who count these sort of things and they're always are, there were 61 officers for the president and his 50 minutes of speech. There we go here again with the reverse of what we saw before.

He says farewell to here again to the military leadership of the United States, the congressional leadership. There he's shaking hands with Peter Pays, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Senator Pat Leahy, Democrat of the Milant, and Dorgan of North Dakota with him. And then of course the, there again there's Hamalito, there was the Supreme Court, the Breyer, Congressman Blount, there was the two madam leadership of the Republican leadership of the House. There's John Boehner, who's the House Minority Leader. He spent a lot. Number two, the Republican leader in the Senate used to be the number one guy for the side for a while and has now made his comeback. There's Norm Coleman, who is differing with the president on Iraq on Coleman from Minnesota. Right. Much to a lot of people's surprise. The conservative, the Republican, there's Patty Murray by next year and there's John Cornham on his right. Senator from Texas, he'd be clearly behind him,

John pair of Arizona office at one reelection. favoring the second leader in the executing side of the Senate. I want him. I want him. I want him, of course. I want him. He will agree with Justin. be, thank foruc drip, thank you brothers. Thank you sir. Steven says he's taking hands live. OMBSEQ, the last good. Nice shooting turn. Hear a lot of and candidate for president. I will cut through a few years back. Are you sure you can have the Jesse Jackson Junior under the House of Representatives? Thank you very much. Thank you very much.

President has been let out by his escorts. Let me go and others. The cone of New York. That's it. It is, we commented earlier, the extraordinary tension and extraordinary difficulties that face the country and the president. Whatever is it that's going to be correct. There is a...

How would you describe it? There's something that causes people in the same business of government, the same business of politics, none of their parties come out of their severe disagreements. They come together for these rituals and a lot of people don't get it. Well, this is also very remarkable ceremonial event. A lot of people don't understand how this comes out. No. There was less partisanship in the chamber tonight, I felt. I thought the response he got in the reaction was quite polite. Somewhat muted by polite. What did you... They always say that the particular one is from another party. The speakers respond, particularly in this case, but Nancy Pelosi heard a response to the presidential

record, and she stood when she clapped her hand. Everybody was watching. Did you see anything of David Brooks? Did you see anything that made you say, oh, my goodness, may I see a plotting? Why is her... Is she sitting on her hands? The moments... It was obvious she was not going to applaud him when the president touched about the specifics of his Iraq policy. There were some vague generalities about victory in Iraq. And I think those were the most challenging that we would vote for that or not. And on her feet, big applause when he said, support the troops. They were sort of an atmosphere in that room when I've been in that room years ago. They're just real to be there. They worked hard to get elected to that party. When they're all together, they're thrilled that atmosphere is. And there's another thing, Mark, if people don't realize who are not there, because it looks like a big place, but it really is not. It's really quite small, quite compact. People are very... It's almost... You feel like you're in the same room. You're not at some basketball policy or something. No.

I think we wrote about it in spite of the campaign Mattumbo being there tonight and being honored. Speaking of basketball. The thing that struck me, and I think is most revealing, was the few times the president got standing ovation from both sides. When he spoke about immigration, he got more enthusiastic response from the Democrats. When he spoke about his lawsuits against doctors, he got more enthusiastic for the Republicans. The only chance he has for any legislative progress is where there is bipartisan support, and where there's democratic support. And I found that most interesting in the response and reaction. I was surprised, quite frankly, he led with the balanced budget. You were the fact that... Very shaking hands. The Dennis Cassenage? Yes, he shook hands. He shook hands in his way. Democratic nomination for his second time. That's right. Very strong statements about the Iraq war, as have many of the Democratic Party.

This is most unusual. It seems to be at least that the president, usually, does not hesitate to take this long time. A lot of these people are here for the first time, too. That's over. Very, very special. Very special. That's it. Watch your status. Okay. This is it. Okay. All right. And there we go. We do have to repeat, as you all know, Mark Shields and David Brooks are here. Overview first, David. The speech. Well, I thought it was a good speech. I think the main thing I took away, and this isn't going to sound very cynical at all, is that there is a moment. Okay, it's all right. There is a momentum to American customs and institutions. And you see that in the speech and the reaction to the speech. There are certain formula, which President after President does. And the reason that gives me hope is, as you mentioned, there is this incredible tension over Iraq. And one of the questions going in for me was,

will this tension poison everything? And yet here tonight, I think you saw people can have their really serious disagreements about Iraq, but put that to one side, and at least applaud, at least have a spirit of good atmosphere in a room, despite all that. And that leaves the opening, at least, for the possibility that on some of these issues, where there is some bipartisan agreement, especially like immigration reform, increasing the size of the military, your mark reform, that you could actually begin to see some action. And you could actually see legislation come out of this speech. You see the same thing? I do. I thought it was, as I said, I thought it was civil. I thought it was polite. I thought there was a plate feeling in the room that there was the fellas down. I disagree with them, but there's no point in kicking up. And the reality here, I mean, we've got to remember the editorial reality is that all of the votes are there for a some kind of resolution on the war that will say something to the effect. A lot of Republicans included will say something to the effect that increasing the troop strength in Iraq

is not in the national interest. And everybody went in that hall today, knows that. And yet, that's exactly. And yet, there was a civility. And I think that the chances for bipartisan action are there on immigration, are there on perhaps energy. That was one of the big ones when Nancy Pelosi rose. That's right. I gave a saying, Ovation was immigration reform. And I mean, perhaps let's sign it, let's get it done. And the person sitting on his hands at that point was Congressman Tom Tancredo, the Republican of Colorado, who's been the president's most persistent critic in our HFO, and a declared candidate for president in 2008 on the immigration issue alone. So that he has more problems, probably within his own party, but immigration. But that has, of course, been the case from the beginning. That's right. I mean, it's the Democrats who've been supporting because, and John McCain. That's right. But because of the guest worker program

and what to do with the illegals who are already there. That's right. But I guess what most surprised me about the evening was that there was less intensity. I think it was a fine speech, but I recall in I was trying to jog my memory on this. When Bill Clinton came in in 1998, it was within 72 hours of the Monica Lewinsky story, making people just couldn't believe he showed up, let alone. And he really did hit a rhetorical home run. And I don't know tomorrow what the lead is. Almost half the speech wasn't Iraq in the Middle East. And half pages out of the 12-page speech. Was there anything new in that speech, David? By the way, we're about to get the Democratic response from Senator Jim Webb of Virginia, and he'll be speaking from the Capitol about another minute. He'll start in about another minute or so.

But David, to finish my question, did you hear anything new on Iraq, other than the idea of an advisory council from members of the Congress? No, nothing on Iran. I think the President restated what he had said. He didn't really address the question of their resolution, except for the stress the need for victory. I think that was pretty much restating what he'd done. The domestic policy was where the innovation was. Cafe standards, these fuel efficiency standards. That was a little step forward for the President. The health care plan, which would tax people with better plans in order to subsidize people without. That's a step forward for the President. So the innovation here to the extent there was on the domestic policy. Big applause from Democrats about global climate change. There were no specifics, but he hadn't talked about it. The first time he said they said that. The serious challenge of global climate change. We're going to go now to Senator Webb. He will be speaking from the U.S. Senate Room 200207, which is the Mansfield Room named for the late former

Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield of Montana. Senator now is Senator Webb. Good evening. I'm Senator Jim Webb from Virginia, where this year we will celebrate the 400th anniversary of the settlement of Jamestown, an event that marked the first step in the long journey that has made us the greatest and most prosperous nation on earth. It wouldn't be possible in this short amount of time to actually rebut the President's message, nor would it be useful. Let me simply say that we in the Democratic Party hoped that this administration is serious about improving education and healthcare for all Americans, and addressing such domestic priorities as restoring the vitality of the great city of New Orleans. Further, this is the seventh time the President has mentioned energy independence in a state of the Union message, but for the first time, this exchange is taking place in a Congress led by the Democratic Party.

We are looking for affirmative solutions that will strengthen our nation by freeing us from our dependence on foreign oil and spurring a wave of entrepreneurial growth in the form of alternate energy programs. We look forward to working with the President and his party to bring about these changes. There are two areas where our respective parties have largely stood in contradiction, and I want to take a few minutes to address them tonight. The first relates to how we see the health of our economy, how we measure it, and how we ensure that its benefits are properly shared among all Americans. The second regards are foreign policy, how we might bring the war in Iraq to a proper conclusion that will also allow us to continue to fight the war against international terrorism, and to address other strategic concerns that our country faces around the world. When one looks at the health of our economy, it's almost as if we're living in two different countries, some say that things have never been better. The stock market is in an all-time high and so are corporate profits, but these benefits are not being fairly shared.

When I graduated from college, the average corporate CEO made 20 times what the average worker did. Today, it's nearly 400 times. In other words, it takes the average worker more than a year to make the money that his or her boss makes in one day. Wages and salaries for our workers are at all-time lows as a percentage of national wealth, even though the productivity of American workers is the highest in the world. Medical costs of skyrocketed. College tuition rates are off the charts. Our manufacturing base is being dismantled and sent overseas. Good American jobs are being sent along with them. In short, the middle class of this country are a historic backbone and our best hope for a strong society in the future is losing its place at the table. Our workers know this through painful experience. Our white collar professionals are beginning to understand it as their jobs start disappearing also. And they expect, rightly, that in this age of globalization, their government has a duty to insist that their concerns

be dealt with fairly in the international marketplace. In the early days of our republic, President Andrew Jackson established an important principle of American-style democracy. That we should measure the health of our society, not at its apex, but at its base, not with the numbers that come out of Wall Street, but with the living conditions that exist on Main Street. We must recapture that spirit today. Under the leadership of the New Democratic Congress, we're on our way to doing so. The House just passed the minimum wage increase, the first in 10 years, and the Senate will soon follow. We've introduced a broad legislative package designed to regain the trust of the American people. We've established a tone of cooperation and consensus that extends beyond party lines. We're working to get the right things done for the right people and for the right reasons. With respect to foreign policy, this country has patiently endured a mismanaged war

for nearly four years. Many, including myself, warned even before the war began that it was unnecessary, that it would take our energy and attention away from the larger war against terrorism, and that invading an occupying Iraq would leave us strategically vulnerable in the most violent and turbulent corner of the world. I want to share with all of you a picture that I have carried with me for more than 50 years. This is my father, when he was a young Air Force captain, flying cargo planes during the Berlin Air Lift. He sent us the picture from Germany as we waited for him back here at home. When I was a small boy, I used to take the picture to bed with me every night because for more than three years, my father was deployed, unable to live with us full-time, serving overseas or in basis where there was no family housing. I still keep it to remind me of the sacrifices that my mother and others had to make over and over again as my father gladly served our country.

I was proud to follow in his footsteps, serving as a Marine in Vietnam. My brother did as well, serving as a Marine helicopter pilot. My son has joined the tradition, now serving as an infantry Marine in Iraq. Like so many other Americans, today and throughout our history, we served and have served not for political reasons, but because we love our country, on the political issues, those matters of war and peace, and in some cases life and death, we trusted the judgment of our national leaders. We hoped that they would be right, that they would measure with accuracy the value of our lives against the enormity of the national interest that might call upon us to go into harm's way. We owe them our loyalty as Americans, and we gave it. But they owed us, sound judgment, clear thinking, concern for our welfare, a guarantee that the threat to our country was equal to the price we might be called upon to pay in defending it. The president took us into this war recklessly.

He disregarded warnings from the national security adviser during the first Gulf War, the chief of staff of the Army, two former commanding generals of central command whose jurisdiction includes Iraq, the director of operations on the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and many, many others with great integrity and long experience in national security affairs. We are now, as a nation held hostage to the predictable and predicted, disarray that has followed. The wars cost to our nation have been staggering, financially, the damage to our reputation around the world, the lost opportunities to defeat the forces of international terrorism, and especially the precious blood of our citizens who stepped forward to serve. The majority of the nation no longer supports the way this war is being fought, nor does the majority of our military, nor does the majority of Congress. We need a new direction. Not one step back from the war against international terrorism, not a precipitous withdrawal that ignores the possibility

of further chaos, but an immediate shift towards strong, regionally-based diplomacy, a policy that takes our soldiers off the streets of Iraq cities, and a formula that will ensure order allow our combat forces to leave Iraq. On both of these vital issues, our economy, and our national security, it falls upon those of us in elected office to take action. Regarding the economic imbalance in our country, I'm reminded of the situation President Theodore Roosevelt faced in the early days of the 20th century. America was then, as now, drifting apart along class lines. The so-called robber barons were unapologetically raking in a huge percentage of the national wealth. The dispossessed workers at the bottom were threatening revolt. Roosevelt spoke strongly against these divisions. He told his fellow Republicans that they must set themselves, quote,

as resolutely against improper corporate influence on the one hand as against demogogy and mob rule on the other. And he did something about it. As I look at Iraq, I recall the words of former general and soon-to-be president Dwight Eisenhower during the dark days of the Korean War, which had fallen to a bloody stalemate. When comes the end as the general who had commanded our forces in Europe during World War II, and as soon as he became president, he brought the Korean War to an end. These presidents took the right kind of action for the benefit of the American people and for the health of our relations around the world. Tonight, we're calling on this president to take similar action in both areas. If he does, we will join him. If he does not, we will be showing him the way. Thank you for listening. And God bless America. Senator Jim Webb, Democrat of Virginia, making the Democratic response. What did you think of that, Mark?

I would say it was betrayed against the Star Wars boy. I think that the old line that freshmen should be seeing and not heard was totally repealed and revoked. He spoke forcefully. He spoke from his own credentials. He spoke as he did during the campaign, quoting Andrew Jackson, we should measure the health of our society, not at its apex, but at its base about the income disparity and inequality in the country, how it's grown, and continues to grow. And then he just confronted the president directly. The president took us into this war recklessly and the consequences were paid in terms of isolation. I thought it was a strong, tough statement and surprising in its intensity. Surprisingly strong and intense. Not for Jim Webb. This is the guy who wouldn't have a civil conversation with President Bush in the White House. I've talked to Jim Webb about that and I'll be happy to get his side of the story.

Well, it was intense and it was right early. It was eloquent and it was forceful. But you can forget everything. I just said about setting a rock aside and having some bipartisanship. There wasn't a hint of bipartisanship in this speech. There wasn't a hint of, well, we can disagree on that, but we can agree on this. That was out the window. This was a very confrontational speech. But a speech that was from its point of view of a very forcefully written force of the excuse and I think it did establish a few things that are part of the Democratic Party and part of Jim Webb's persona. First, the emphasis on the new populism on economic populism which Jim Webb represents, which is different from Bill Clinton's economic policies and Hillary Clinton's democratic policies. And second, what the Democrats are hoping to establish, one strong military background that Jim Webb was a war hero and his family has a strong background on that. But combined with that quick exit from a rock, not capping the troops as Hillary Clinton wants, not just halting the surge and then seeing but quick exit from a rock.

And that, I think, is for the Democratic Party is not the unanimous position of the party but is becoming, was pushed forward tonight by the speech. You agree? The party got pushed forward on Iraq tonight? I think that Jim Webb, we don't separate the message from the messenger in American politics and he is, as David said, because of his own credentials, his own history. He's a very effective messenger, a strong messenger. So I think the message is reinforced. And I think he made it and linking it to Eisenhower and Korea was something that hadn't been done before that the great American military hero of World War II said that bloody stalemate there was going nowhere and it ended it that we are not stronger because of Iraq. And I think that was the centerpiece of his argument as a consequence of our going into Iraq, the United States is not stronger and more secure tonight. Likely to have any impact because we usually responses to state of the union addresses have little or no impact.

What about this one? Well, I think that Mark said a star is born. I think it was way above average. Just as a speech, I think it was way above average for a speech. And it will rally, I think, a lot of people, a lot of Democrats, especially if they didn't like the atmosphere in the room, who want a more confrontational tone. They will say Jim Webb is the guy we can guarantee who will be forceful, and it will rebut it and has the personal life story to do that. David Mark, thank you both for all evening. And that is it for our NewsHour special report. We'll have further analysis of the president's state of the union speech and the Democratic response tomorrow evening at our regular NewsHour time. We'll see you then and online for now. I'm Jim Lehrer. Thank you, and good night. Major funding for the NewsHour with Jim Lehrer is provided by somewhere west of Topeka, someone's getting out for a breath of fresh air, which is why a farmer is harvesting corn and why a train is transporting corn

and why ADM is turning corn into ethanol, a renewable, cleaner burning fuel. Somewhere west of Topeka, someone's getting out for a breath of fresh air, and lots of us are helping make sure that fresh air is actually fresh. ADM, resourceful by nature. And by CIT, Pacific Life. The Atlantic Philanthropies, the National Science Foundation, and with the continuing support of these institutions and foundations. And this program was made possible by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and by contributions to your PBS station from viewers like you. Thank you. We are PBS.

Thank you.