The MacNeil/Lehrer Report; 6094; Carter-Reagan Transition

Carter-Reagan Transition

ROBERT MacNEIL: Good evening. The American people and curious foreigners today had their first real chance to look at the man who`s going to be running things for the next four years. In the first public appearance since his stunning election victory on Tuesday, Ronald Reagan held a news conference in Los Angeles. It`s theme was: How the on from Jimmy Carter`s presidency to his. Because in both mariner and substance the news con- ference was probably as direct a guide as we`re likely to get at present -- the new administration -- we will give you substantial extracts. In addition, we hear the Carter administration`s transition plans from the man in charge -- White House Chief of Staff. Jack Watson. So, tonight, the Carter-Reagan transition.

LEHRER: Robin, Mr. Reagan opened the news conference by announcing who was going to run his transition team. There were no surprises. His campaign co- leaders, William Casey and Anne Armstrong were named chairman and vice chairman, respectively of the team`s executive committee. The campaign`s chief of staff, Edwin Meese, will run the transition staff operation. Mr. Reagan then took questions -- 31 in all, in 35 minutes -- here`s an edited excerpt containing about half of it. [Ronald Reagan`s press conference in Los Angeles]

JOE BENTON, ABC News: As you go about forming your new government and selecting the people who are going to head the cabinet, be in your cabinet and run the government, how much consideration are you going to give to the advice of these new` conservative organizations and the moral majority, and people like the Reverend Jerry Falwel!?

REAGAN: Well, I have told the people who`ve supported us in this campaign that I am going to do as I did when I was governor of California -- that I am going to be open to these people. You are president of all the people. And I am going to want to seek advice where I think that I can get advice from those who are familiar with a particular problem. Ask their help. And I don`t know any other way to say it, than that. In other words, I`m not going to separate myself from the people who elected us and sent us there.

JOE ALBRIGHT, Cox Newspaper: In the foreign policy section of your speech on television on Monday night, you said, `Americans do not shirk from his- tory`s duty to stand by those who are persecuted, and you specifically said that you speak for those who seek the right to self-determination without interference from foreign powers. I wonder whether you could tell us what this means and specifically whether you think it applies to the situation in Poland, where an independent workers movement is growing up in a country that`s on the border of the Soviet Union and in which there are a couple of Soviet divisions stationed?

REAGAN: I think what it really -- well, I know what it means. I wouldn`t have said it. It means that I think all of these problems, and the policies of aggression of the Soviet Union, that all of these must be a part of discussions and negotiations that go forward. I don`t think you simply sit down at a table for the Soviet Union to discuss arms limitation, for example, but you discuss the whole attitude, world attitude, as to whether we are going to have a world at peace, or whether we`re simply going to talk about weaponry and not bring up these other subjects. In other words, I believe in linkage.

RICHARD ROTH, CBS News: Yesterday, Mr. Bush said that the hostage crisis is President Carter`s problem, and that you and he did not want to but into it. You`ve said you`ve had ideas about how to secure the release of the hostages. Is there any role that you now intend to play in any kind of plan to secure the release of the hostages, and have you discussed it with President Carter?

REAGAN: No, and let me make plain. When I said that I had ideas -- I had to be honest -- I think that you`ll all agree that anyone who is seeking this position couldn`t help but say, `If this problem confronted me----` you`d have some thoughts about how you would deal with it. That does not mean that, at this point, this is our problem. Let me make it plain, it is our problem as Americans, but the President is still the President-And, I think what George was saying is that anything in which we could be helpful, if he wanted it, we will be -- because, like everyone else, we want the hostages to be returned. But, at the same time, we want to make it perfectly plain that we are not going to intrude and we`re going to recognize the fact that this administration is still in office. And foreign leaders must be aware that the President is still the President

STEPHANIE SHELTON, CBS News: You have said during the campaign that you would like to abolish the Department of Energy and me Department of Education- that two new departments. What me you going to do in terms of appointing cabinet officials? Are you going to appoint heads of these departments while you think about abolishing them?

REAGAN: Why, yes. These departments exist, and, of course you`re going to have to have heads to the departments. Let me make it also plain that I am well aware that in both of those new cabinet-level departments there are functions -- legitimate functions that have existed for a long time, and that were then incorporated in those. So when you talk about questioning whether a cabinet-level department should exist as it is today, that does not mean that you are throwing out the legitimate functions, which have always been performed by government, and it should continue to be -- but it`s since, just been incorporated in those departments.

SUSAN KING, ABC News: In the campaign. Ambassador Bush said that if he gained your confidence during the campaign, he would have `tons to do.` and if not he would be going to a lot of funerals. From what you`ve said, he seems to have gained your confidence. Are you expecting him to have a major role? If so, can you define if for us, and will he have an office in the White House, or will it be at EOB. at the second office building.

REAGAN: Well, let me say -- you`re asking for details here. I said earlier, and, I thought I had covered that -- no. he`s not going to be going to a lot of funerals. Maybe we`ll take turns. But, what are we laughing about? [more laughter] I have to get over it.

REPORTER: In light of the Reagan steam roller effect, you said a little bit earlier that you would seek a bi-partisan base for foreign policy. Would that indicate that you might consider putting a Democrat on your cabinet staff, or in the cabinet -- a cabinet-level Democrat?

REAGAN: That could very well be. I made no decision on that. And this again would be getting into discussing individuals. We haven`t done that as yet. But, I very defini-tely want, in foreign policy particularly, I want the world to know that there is no political division that affects our foreign policy.

CONNIE CHUNG, KNXT: In studying the Americans hostages again, do you expect to reveal your specific ideas to President Carter during this transition period, and offer them as suggestions to ending the crisis?

REAGAN: The President has very graciously offered us both -- briefings. which we think we will take advantage of. naturally, and. I think if there`s any opportunity, or if out of those briefings comes any thought in our heart that we could suggest anything that would be helpful, we certainly would do that. On the other hand, as I`ve said before, we don`t want to seem to be trying to invade the province of the President, who is still president. And I hope, in the news reports that we have seen, that the Iranians will not have any ideas that there will be profit to them in waiting any period of time. We want those people home.

CHUNG: Sir. if your ideas are vastly different from President Carter`s would you prefer to hold on and hold back until you take office.

REAGAN: No. not if I thought for one minute, it could by one minute move up their release.

REPORTER: There seems to be a bit of concern over how the foreign policy will change. What can you tell America`s allies in western Europe about America`s foreign policy now that you`ve taken over? And are there certain misconceptions you feet about yourself among the people of western Europe?

REAGAN: Well I think that`s very possible. I think in a campaign when they have to have translated into their own language campaign rhetoric and so forth, there has got to be a certain element of confusion about the participants in the game over here. But. I want them to know -- and we will make it plain to them when it is our opportunity to do so -- that we intend to consult. We intend to confer with them on major decisions. We believe in the importance of the NATO alliance, and we will do everything we can to reassure them that we`re not going it alone. We want to restore confidence in us. and that they can have trust in our word. And that we do consider that alliance very important to the United States.

RACHELLE PATTERSON, Boston Globe: Do you plan to introduce any of your proposals to the lame duck session of congress -- such as cut in federal spending?

REAGAN: The -- I think that some of our own Congressman, and now we have a majority in one house, in the Senate, I think that there are proposals that I was talking about -- and many times referred to -- that were already in discussion or in legislative form. And I`m quite sure that as Congress reconvenes, they`ll go forward with those. And I`ll be delighted to see them do it.

REPORTER: Governor, since you won the election with millions of Democratic and independent votes, do you still feel totally wedded to the Republican Party platform, and will you specifically push for passage of an anti- abortion amendment to the constitution?

REAGAN: I am -- I ran on the platform. The people voted for me on the platform -- I do believe in that platform. And I think it would be very cynical and callous of me now to suggest that I`m going to turn away from it. Evidently, those people who voted for me. of the other party or independents, must have agreed with the platform also.

RICHARD ROTH, CBS News: Given the size of your victory, there are a number of people who are saying that it`s being interpreted as a mandate for considerable change. Is there anything that you would say to those Democrats or Republicans, liberals and moderates, who feel potentially disenfranchised by your political views? Is there any-thing you would say to reassure them?

REAGAN: Well. I don`t think that anyone is politically disenfranchised by my views. I know that, for example, through (he campaign, the issue of the Equal Rights Amend-ment constantly came up. And I tried to make it plain, at every instance, that if you v. ill read the Republican platform, it is never spoken more strongly with regard to equal rights for women. And I feel that way myself. The only difference of opinion was whether an amendment, that in over eight years has not been able to secure ratification of the states -- or even if it could, if the amendment was the best and the most practical way of achieving those equal rights, and I appointed in my own record here in this state of what we did by statute. Now. I am going to aggressively pursue the subject of equal rights for women. It`s significant. I think, that 13 of the 15 states who haven`t ratified that amendment, have democratic majorities in their legislatures, and with a democratic majority in Congress, and a democratic president, they still were not able to get those states to ratify that amendment. So those who chose to believe that my feeling about the amendment during this campaign meant opposition to equal rights for women were absolutely wrong and I think in some instances many of them knew that, because my record is clear and I`ve made my assertion to you of what we`re going to do.

REPORTER: In Washington this morning, quoting senior administration officials as saying that, `President Carter might be prepared to take unpopular action to free the hostages." Is there any concern on your part that as a lame duck president. Mr. Carter might be ready to knuckle under to Iranian and would you counsel him not to.

REAGAN: Well, he several times has made the statement that he would not do anything that was -- that violated the honor of our country, or our interests, and we have to accept those statements that he will do that. And so I don`t think there`s any place for me to intervene in that regard.

REPORTER: Do you intend to pursue the Camp David peace process and would you still characterize the PLO. as you did about a year ago. as a terrorist organization?

REAGAN: Yes. I think the PLO has proven that it is a terrorist organization. I have said repeatedly: I separate the PLO from the Palestinian refugees. No one ever elected the PLO, and. yes. I intend to do again, and it`s like the other situation we discussed earlier. Whatever can be -- the United States can do, we don`t intend to mandate or dictate a settlement. Whatever we can do to promote peace in the Middle East, that we`re going to do.

REPORTER: Will you meet with Prime Mister Begin when he comes to the United States within the next couple of weeks as he plans to do? Would you invite him to your ranch, for instance?

REAGAN: I think here is a question that has to await some of our transition processes. I would not- -- there`s a delicate point here as to whether you seem to be -- again, putting yourself in the place that is not yet mine, the presidency, and I wouldn`t want to do anything in any way that would give that impression. And yet I recognize the necessity of contact, but deciding when that is proper right, we haven`t settled on.

REPORTER: At the beginning of President Carter`s term, he gave human rights a very high priority, and he said he did this because of his belief in the Bible. Does you and belief in the Bible compel you to make human rights a similar high priority, especially in the third and fourth world countries?

REAGAN: Yes, I think that all of us in this country are dedicated to the belief in human rights. But I think it must be a consistent policy. I don`t think that you can turn away from some country because here and there they do not totally agree with our concept of human rights. And then, at the same time, maintain relations with other countries or try to develop them where human rights are virtually nonexistent. This is what I think I meant earlier about -- that subject, as welt as others, should be part of any negotiations on the foreign scene, any relationship that we have with other countries. But. I don`t think that you -- that our record of turning away from countries that were basically friendly to us, because of some disagreement on some facet of human rights, and then finding that the result was that they had lost all human rights in that country. That isn`t a practical way to go about that.

LEHRER: Ronald Reagan`s news conference this afternoon in Los Angeles. The man President Carter has appointed to handle his end of the transfer of power to Ronald Reagan is Jack Watson, now the White House Chief of Staff. Mr. Watson headed up the Carter transition team going the other way four years ago. Mr. Watson. Governor Reagan seems to be saying that his involvement in the affairs of state between now and inauguration is up to President Carter. How extensive an involvement is President Carter desiring for Gover-nor Reagan in these next two and a half months?

JACK WATSON: Poorly phrased question, but I think we can figure it out. Jim. it`s an important point. There are not two governments for the United States during this transition period. There is one government. The government is the government of Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale. They have the constitutional responsibility and duty which they will fully discharge to make the decisions and take the actions which need to be taken between now and January 20lh of 1981. when Governor Reagan and Mr. Bush are inaugurated. I thought that Governor Reagan in his comments during the press conference, repeatedly as a matter of fact, made clear his understanding of that very important point. The purpose of the transition, of course, is. not to make a dual government -- or a dual decision-making process at all. that would not be in the interests of our nation, or of our government -- but rather, for the outgoing administration to do everything within it`s power to assist and support and cooperate with those people who will be forming the new government and leading the new administration come January of next year.

LEHRER: Well, for instance, the hostage crisis. Governor Reagan said that he might have some advice to give him. Would President Carter seek that advice, before he would agree to anything?

WATSON: Again, as Mr. Reagan. I thought, very well pointed out. he is being given or will be given -- as soon as the arrangements can be made for proper security -- the intelligence briefings and other briefings that the President has. on a daily basis. I`ve spoken to Mr. Meese. his chief of staff, and the director of the transition for Governor Reagan, about setting up those briefings. Those briefings will, among other things, permit Mr. Reagan to see some of these complexities, some of the issues with which the President is confronted -- not for the purpose of his engaging in the decision-making process -- but for being informed and prepared to deal with those issues come January. At the same time. I think as the Governor pointed out, if in reviewing those materials and that information, he has helpful suggestions to make, of course the President would receive him.

LEHRER: But as a practical matter, would President Carter go ahead and negotiate a deal, say with the Iranians, that Governor Reagan thought was a bad idea`.`

WATSON: As Governor Reagan again pointed out. well. I think. Jim. the responsibility --

LEHRER: I know what Governor Reagan said. I was looking at it from President Carter`s point of view.

WATSON: President Carter`s point of view. J think, conforms to what Governor Reagan said repeatedly. The responsibility for dealing with that particular issue and with all other issues, that are confronting this government between now and January of next year, is the Present s responsibility. The President will discharge that responsibility fully. It is not time to make two governments, indeed will it ever be time. The government is Mr Carters until January. It will be Mr. Reagan`s beyond that time. So that the specific answer to your question. I hope is clear. The responsibility for making those decisions rests with the President."

LEHRER: Certainly. There`s no question. I`m not even asking whose responsibility it is to make the decision. My question is. is there going to be an attempt on President Carter`s part to make sure that the decisions that he makes - in this case, the hostages - are something that has the support of the man who`s going to be the president after January the 20th, so there s no problem as a result of that.

WATSON: We would certainly hope to have that concurrence. And. in fact, even before the election, the President was ensuring that Mr. Reagan and Mr. Anderson for that matter, were being briefed on those late, breaking developments on the hostage situation -- for the purpose of keeping them informed, and. as appropriate, seeking their suggestions--

LEHRER: The Governor was asked also whether or not he would meet with Prime Minister Begin when he is here next week, in the next few days. What`s the President`s attitude about Mr. Reagan now meeting with foreign officials?

WATSON: I`ve not discussed that with the President. Jim?

LEHRER: What`s your attitude about it?

WATSON: My own attitude is that we must be sure. We - our administration, and Governor Reagan and Mr. Bush and their people - must be careful to make clear to everyone, other governments in the world, that there is only one United States government with which to deal -- not two. And. I think, the Governor was very sensitive in his handling of that question. I don`t know whether or not he will meet with Mr Begin on a personal level while Mr. Begin is here. But I think that the sensitivity that the Governor expressed on that point is well-stated and well-founded,

LEHRER: Do you think he should meet with Prime Minister Begin?

WATSON: I think that it would probably be better to wait. But that`s not a judgment that I give on the basis of any thoughtful consideration.

LEHRER: I see. Robin?

MacNEIL: Mr. Watson, we just heard Mr. Reagan say, of course, that Mr Carter is still President. But. is there a sense in the White House that the country has spoken so decisively for change, that your administration should not press any policies over the next two and a half months, but. rather, passively mark time.

WATSON: Robin. I don`t think that is the attitude. There is clearly a new administration with its own ideas, and its own philosophy coming in to administer this Government come January of 1981. At the same time, there are certain initiatives that the President has already lodged on the Hilt, in the Congress. They are initiative that we will try to close on if we can. There is a very short period of time for this so-called lame duck session of Congress. But there are practical limits on the number of things that can be achieved legislatively. But. legislatively, and as a matter of executive or administrative action on behalf of the President, there are business matters to be tended to and the President will fully discharge and energetically discharge those duties until he leaves office.

MacNEIL: What pieces of legislation will the administration push over the next -- what will be your priorities over the next two and a half months.

WATSON: Those matters have not yet been determined. Robin, as a matter of fact, the would require consultation with the leadership with the Congressional leadership, which will be recovering here in Washington next week. Those matter of practical priority, those things that we believe can be resolved or closed -- we`ll have to consult with the leaders of congress about. I can say, as a matter of fact, that the appropriations bills -- some of which have not yet been enacted - will be high priority because we need those appropriations bills enacted.

MacNEIL: Would Mr. Reagan`s probable opposition to some measures discourage Mr. Carter from pushing them in his next lame duck session?

WATSON: Those are matter which of course must be taken into account. The President is not the only actor in this matter, we have the member of Congress who are fully aware of the fact that there will be a new President in January, and indeed, new members of Congress, so that that would be a factor in consideration as to whether, and to what extent to press some particular issue.

MacNEIL: It is conceivable that anything could be brought to conclusion, the President actually sign some legislation before leaving the White House in January?

WATSON: Yes, I think it is.

MacNEIL: Do you want to give us any clues as to what you think those might be? Those that are close enough to mention that he could?

WATSON: No, not without discussing it with the president and the leadership of Congress. I don`t think it would be proper for me to do so. But I suspect and as a matter of fact, I predict, that the President will be signing some legislation between now and the time that Congress adjourns, or between now and January.

MacNEIL: Is there any feeling among you staffers at the White House That with so many things pending, you and Jim have discussed some of them, that it would be better if this transition period could be gotten over rather more quickly than usual?

WATSON: I`m not sure I understand the question Robin. If you are asking do I think is --

MacNEIL: Is the two and a half months going to seem a very long period in which to wait to get certain things decided.

WATSON: No. Having been through one transition on the way in -- which I can tell you is preferable to one on the way out -- I can testify of my own knowledge, and particularly on the experience in the last four years in government, that two and a half months, though there is certainly nothing magical about the precise period of time, seems to me to be a reasonable amount of time for this orderly transition of responsibility and authority to take place. The United States Government is complex, complicated and large set of Bureaucracies. There are policies that are complicated that need to be understood by those who are going to assume authority for making those decisions when they get into office. I think that roughly speaking, the transition period is about right. One of the things that we`re trying to ensure, and that the President has instructed all member of his cabinet, all leaders of every agency in the government, all member of his executive office of the President, is that we will cooperate fully and be fully forthcoming with Governor Reagan and that continuity of our government is secure. I think that`s in the interest of the people, and the President takes it very seriously.

MacNEIL: What did you learn in the last transition -- for instance, mistakes to avoid -- that you`re going to apply to this one. How`s it going to be different?

WATSON: Well, as a matter of fact, I might say that the transition in 1976 from President Ford to president-elect Carter was perhaps one of the best that`s ever occurred. The cooperation and the support and assistance that were forthcoming from President Ford and his chief of transition -- a man who has since become a friend of mine named John Marsh, and with whom, in fact, I`ve consulted in the last couple days -- helped us immensely. I think that the lessons we learned in 1976 about how to manage and control this transfer are very valuable this year. For example, I`ve talked with Ed Meese on the telephone yester-day, and we`ve agreed that we will exchange lists of authorized persons, agency by agency, both on our side and his, of the people who will be responsible for directing the transition.

MacNEIL: I hate to stop you there, but that`s the end of our time. Thank you. Jack Watson, very much for joining us tonight. Good night, Jim.

LEHRER: Good night, Robin.

MacNEIL: That`s all for tonight. We will be back tomorrow night. I`m Robert MacNeil. Good night.