James Bevel on Black power

[Shaw]: The next speaker has a great deal of things behind him. He's already spoken once and that, what he has been responsible for in the Civil Rights Movement is so vast that it would probably take me all day long to tell you but I'll give you an idea of some of things he's done. He's director of the Birmingham movement in 1963. He was directly involved in the Selma movement, which I'm sure you're all familiar with, the Right to Vote movement which provoked the government into passing the civil rights legislation on equal right votes for Negroes. He's one of the original Freedom Riders, who went to the South and calls the ICC to change their regulations regarding segregated bus seating and segregated bus facilities. He is now involved and the director of the Chicago Direct Action Movement. And I would like to present to this audience, Reverend James Bevel. [Bevel]: Thank you very much. I'm very happy to be

here. If nothing else but the beautiful weather. That we don't have at this time in Chicago. I guess I'm concerned more or less about the problems that not only faze the Negroes but America. But the problem is that it's fazing our country and the problems that are fazing all of the people in the world at this point. I would like to talk about the philosophy out of which I work and I like to talk about how we have applied the philosophy and then I would like to talk about it in specific terms, in terms of what we're doing with that philosophy now. I think one of the problems that a lot of people have is the word.

Several words that's going around creates a lot of problems. One of them is probably "Black Power." One of them is the word "nonviolence." And I think there is a lot of confusion surrounding both words. And I don't think that neither one of the words are constantly defined to the extent that people know what we're talking about when we use those words. I constantly use the word "nonviolence." Because for the last six years I've been involved in a movement and we were teaching the philosophy of nonviolence. And nonviolence as a practical way of bringing about social change. I would like to say that personally I am committed to the philosophy of nonviolence. I believe in it and practice it. It may be a bad philosophy. But my experiences. My experiences in America. And the state of affairs in the world today even drive me closer to search

for realities within the framework of that philosophy. I mean one of the problems is that a lot of people think it means sitting around doing nothing. I remember once I was talking about nonviolence and one fellow said that Negroes have been nonviolent all the time and I had to point out that at exactly the problem. Negroes have not been nonviolent. In fact they have been violent. That is the difference between nonviolence and on violence. The absence of violence and using the technique and the philosophy of nonviolence. There's two differences. One means to sit around and do nothing in the midst of problems and troubles. And to wait for someone else to do your job. One is a philosophy that takes into account the very nature of man and the very problems of man and then tried to create out of the problems of synthesis and a new direction that may lead people to a better understanding of themselves, the problem, and maybe to a practical solution. That is, that's different than just being passive, sitting around, doing nothing.

Now, one of the problems involved in nonviolence, I guess, is the whole question of truth. Knowing the truth or searching for truth, trying to understand truth, trying to understand the nature of the world in the midst of a problem and then trying to get to the root of the problem. If you use nonviolence in raising the question of tyranny I don't think the basic question is how to not be a slave but seems to me it would be how to destroy tyranny. A long time ago I guess people have worked at that and they've used violence to overthrow tyrannical governments and I would like to say violence is a very good in overthrowing a tyrant but violence is never good for getting rid of tyranny. Let me give you an illustration in terms of modern times. In 1940, in about 41 the United States government ended the war on the pretense that violence used by the United States government would suddenly stop one

country from taking over the world. We use violence. We defeated Hitler but we didn't prove that a country couldn't take over the world. Hitler didn't take over the world but Lyndon B. Johnson has done a magnificent job of taking over the world. So even though we fight against tyranny, we got that one tyrant but we didn't get a bit of tyranny, we simply set up another system of tyranny and we need to understand that about violence because of its very nature that it will get rid of a tyrant but it will not get rid of tyranny and there are lot of there are a lot of Negro people who are very oppressed in this country and I'm one of them. But there are two problems that faze most Negro people. One is whether we are going to embark on a program to keep from being slaves or

whether we are going to be caught up in the international revolution to end slavery and just being around in this country, I have discovered that most Negros who are prepared to fight to keep from being slaves are not prepared to fight against the institution of slavery. When you find against institution of slavery I guess you need to ask, "What constitutes tyranny?" A long time ago because of my theological training but take it out of that theological context, so let's deal with the question of the slaves. The Jewish slaves in Egypt. When Moses was attempting to deal with the question of tyranny, he said there are two things involved. If you have slavery, you have a slave master and a slave, and in order to get rid of slavery you have to get one of the parties involved in that illicit relationship to come out of that relationship. It's that simple. It's that simple. But you know some people walk around talking about pimps. The way you get rid of pimps is

to convince prostitutes they shouldn't prostitute and pimps would be out of business. The way you get rid of slavery is by letting the slave understand his relationship to the slave master and finding a new definition of himself and he will reject the institution of slavery. The problem is that because of the complexity of the problem and because of the confusing and compounding and confusing the problem in America, America has not allowed Negroes to get enough information in the educational system to define the system of tyranny under which they live and that results in most Negroes are not involved in getting rid of tyranny in America because they have not yet defined tyranny in America. Most of them don't even know they're slaves yet. Now you've got to deal with the question of how to get rid of slavery.

Well to me it's sort of a simple matter but I guess it's complicated. One is to get the slaves organized to reject slavery. We talk about Western civilization and what we don't like about it and I guess I hate Western civilization, for what is worth, more than most people, because of its methods and what it does One of the things I dislike about Western civilization is its use of violence to try to solve human problems. I reject that. And we haven't learned yet, not only Western civilization, but man hasn't learned yet or that has not yet come through to man. The whole notion that the mass murder, that application of violence does not solve human problems. It's tragic that we are spinning in this country, 87, 84 cent out of a dollar for past, present, and future walls in an attempt to solve human problems. And we spend

very little money to realistically deal with the problems of fear, ignorance, of hate, and deception and ignorance. We spend very little money for that. And yet we assume because we spend 84 cents out of a dollar to resort to mass murder that a reasonable intelligent program dealing with a person or a man could not work. It doesn't work simply because we have not put our budget, our money, and our time into those kind of programs. Now you've got to get the slave. It seems to me to the depth of institution of slavery and one of the ways slave masters are tyrants, always impose the system of slavery on people is through violence. It's one thing that the slave master has to do and that is make the slave respect violence. You've got to do better. If Negroes would not give obedience to violence the whole problem, the whole American economy, would

virtually collapse but because Negroes give obedience and respect and believe in violence. [inaudible] Johnson, Governor Brown, the police captain in Los Angeles is able to hold that community especially enslaved because of our own fear of violence. Let me tell you what I mean when I say your obedience to violence. Let me tell you what I mean by nonviolent. I mean that the ability to move from out the sanction of violence. In the other words, Wallace of Alabama cannot use violence to make me come to any conclusion. Barnett of Mississippi could not use violence to make me come to any kind of decision. That we have to and those people develop the ability to come to a decision

irregardless of the power and the violence used by the tyrants. Once people can understand that psychology then the violence used by the pyramidal powers does not become terrifying factors and making them arrive at unjust and foolish decisions but it allowed them to make decisions and act in spite of the forces used by the tyrants and I think one of the most tragic things in America today is that Negro people define themselves in military terms and that's tragic because if you live in America and define yourself in military terms and you will forever be enslaved and that's exactly what Johnson and the Rockefellers want you to be. That's exactly - let me explain that. They want you to define yourself in military terms. Now let me say that I'm philosophically committed to nonviolence and I'm practically committed to nonviolence.

Now, and let me, before I go any further for those guys who are extra militant, like to give you some history so you can understand my position. When I say nonviolent I don't mean go off somewhere [inaudible] cussing out white folks, I don't mean that. I mean definite confrontation to bring about social change and that's why I've been in jail, not in Chicago, but in Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Florida, South Carolina, over twenty times simply because I believe that in put into practice. So I didn't wander to New York and say "I love white folks," I don't do that. I said that Negroes should use faciltiies in this country and we engage in the fight to get that. We said that Negroes should have the right to vote and we engaged in a battle in Selma, Alabama, to achieve that. So I didn't run from Jim Clark. I confronted Jim Clark. I'm philosophically committed to nonviolence.

But I'm practically committed to it. Now, I was talking to a guy the other day and he evidently didn't understand that one's emotional reaction may not have any political power or a possibility at a particular point in history. And although you may hate Johnson like the boogeyman, but problem is nothing you can do about Johnson. You know most folks hate Johnson but the truth of the matter is that Johnson is the president so you hating Johnson has no relationship to politics, Johnson, or what you're going to make. So that one of the things that people need to do, it seems to me, keep their strategy and the emotion unrelated so that you don't have an emotional reaction to somebody and think because of that emotional action you can effectuate a political and economic program. That's extremely important. Now this fella, This fella was a good militant fellow, he's a friend of mine and we drink liquor together all the time.

We're drinking buddies. He says, "I'm going to whip a man so I going to get the man." I said, "why? What you gonna do?" He says, "if you step on my foot just one more time I'm gonna get'em." I said, "look, the man robbed you of all your land. Got you on welfare. Locked you out of school. Got your mom on ADC and your children, your brother - and you want him to step on your foot. Just one more time?" If out of all of that humiliation and deprivation I told him, "if you're not fighting now you probably won't fight, just sort of forget it." But then I have another practical problem. A lot of folks say that we don't get the man. I'm a pragmatist and I went to Rochester and this guy said, "we're gonna get the man." And I went into the office and I said, "what you got to fight with?" They say, "well, we got some bottles and a razor." I said, "the man you're fighting got rockets."

Not only is it silly, impractical, to fight a man with rockets when you've got a bottle of gasoline on a razor blade. That's impractical. That's impractical. And I went on to tell him about Mr. Mao Zedong of China and I know he's a mean man and bad, and don't take mess from my white folks. But I'll tell you about Mao Zedong. He is not prepared militarily to jump on LBJ today just because of technology. That's a reality whether we like to admit that or not and that's when you start talking about social change you have to deal realistically with the possibility of using a particular method at a particular time whether you like it or not. Now practically I'm not going to jump on Lyndon B. Johnson with a rocket, with a razor. I'm not going to that. Now, maybe he should be jumped on.

But personally, I'm not going jump on a man with rockets when I got a razor. I'm not going to do that, I might do something else. But I won't do that. Now if Negroes define themselves in military terms, they will forever be enslaved to Johnson and that's exactly what he wants. He wanted most of define ourselves in the military terms. I will not define myself in military terms. And if I had to define myself in military terms and look at the arsenal of Johnson's and all the military's might, I will say, "yes, sir boss, I'm your boy." But if I look at myself in relationship to what I really I am, a man in this world, at this point, then I have the possibility to create that which I need to bring about change to eliminate slavery in the country. Let me tell you something else. There is a difference in being a slave fighting for freedom, then being a free man fighting to bring up our social change that is compatible with your freedoms that you have discovered. There's a

difference in that and the tragedy is that there are a lot of people who are in fact enslaved, hoping and thinking that to bring about some kind of change in the social order would eliminate their slavery. It won't happen. And an illustration of that is the fact that a middle class white folks in this country are not making decisions about anything but whether they're going to buy a Buick, an older mobile, or a Chevrolet. They are not making decisions. And the freedom I talk about, the freedom I talk about does not exist because they have not achieved [inaudible] extent that they can make sound decisions. So even if you bring about social change without achieving in the kind of real humanity within you have not achieved freedom at all. Now, just let me go on and talk about the possibilities and the composition of the world. I believe that somehow when the world was put together,

in the structure of that world are always the possibilities to bring about change without becoming a barbarian that asked a question. Western civilization has constantly denied that. The churches in America has constantly denied that. The American philosopher has constanlty denied that. But within the world at this point, within the camp of the enslaved people there's always the power to shake our slavery. Let me give you an illustration of what I'm talking about. And I alluded to that earlier today. One thing that we're suffering from most is the inhumanity of Western capitalism. But Western capitalism thrives on in its ability to make Black people around the world consume foolishness that they don't need. That's how it works. Let me give you an illustration specifically of South Africa. In South Africa,

the South African racist government bring men from Rhodesia, from Mozambique, from South West Africa, from [inaudible], from these countries into South Africa to dig diamonds. See? That Negroes don't use diamonds. In other words, diamonds have no practical value to Black folks. And yet the South African government and the United States businessmen kill thousands and thousands of Africans in order to get diamonds. But diamonds have no practical value. All right, let's go on to another industry. Negroes in this country involve themselves out, in terms of seeking status in buying cars, automobiles. They've got to have new cars, get tricked into that kind of foolishness. And yet if the purpose of a car is

transportation and not something that you use to try to achieve a manhood the not-buying of new cars next year in the Negro community would utterly collapse the American automobile industry. But within the Negro community. Its power to destroy capitalism. All right. Let's go on to something else in terms of tools the fight with. Negroes make up 10 percent of the population in this country yet they drink up 50 percent of the liquor, the Scotch. They do that. Yes, we do. We like it. But drinking scotch, you see, has no practical value. No practical value. If Negroes would stop drinking Scotch, Bobby Kennedy would be on the poverty program in two or three weeks. So you see a lot of times, we sit around cussing at the slave

masters when all of our life and energy is put into making them rich and keeping them in power because we don't understand the nature of tyranny. But within any system of tyranny are always the tools to gain one's freedom without becoming a barbarian. People don't believe it, they don't practice, and they don't do it, and they go around cussing the man, but that cussing won't get you out of slavery. You have to think your way out of that and the problem with a lot of people is that they think their cussing and madness going to bring about political change when in fact it has to be organized and effectuating. And that's why I said that in order to gain the freedom we need, the Negro people and the Black people around the world need to be united to bring down capitalism and they can do that. And then I let me tell you something. They don't even have to walk around

throwing anything, just stop using the stuff they don't need. I'm serious, just the stuff they don't need would literally cripple capitalism. Let me give you an illustration of what I'm talking about. Last summer we were in the state of Alabama, we called a boycott in Alabama. Immediately Whitney Young and some old Negroes who has worked for the president and the government came out, "oh no, don't call no boycott." Not a lot of people didn't understand that. Alabama is the ninth exporting state in the union and it does not import anything to a white nation. Most folks don't know that. That all our steel, meat, wood, cotton, are federal ghosts to colored nations and yet we would sit around crying about Wallace beating Black folks when in fact Black people in other countries and all over the country was keeping Wallace in power. So when we say let's call a boycott, Johnson, Wallace and all in the

good white folks, "oh, please, don't boycott, don't boycott" because they knew if Negroes start understanding and Black people around the world start understanding the relationship of production and distribution and put a stop to that then capitalism would would Jam. They know that. Let me go on a little further. Let me go on a little further. People said, asked me another day, if somebody asked a question to me why didn't I burn down Chicago?" I didn't burn down Chicago because I went back to the library and start studying and reading and I discovered that in Chicago Negroes pay from 30 to 40 to 50 million dollars a month in rent to live in a ghetto. And in my mathematics, in my studies, taught me that Negroes don't even owe rent. Number one when a man pay rent he pays for the building, he pays for a label and for services and Negroes don't get none of that. So they don't owe rent but yet every month Negroes in Chicago ghetto

pay 30 million dollars a month into the hopper to live in mess and I thought I got to do is get organized and don't pay it. And the city of Chicago go bankrupt just cause Negroes don't pay rent and they would have to throw a stone, they can stay at their house and not pay the rent and do more damage to the economy than burning down a building, getting shot, and going to jail. So you see. Within the framework of tyranny there is always the method to gain your freedom without becoming a barbarian. Now I believe that. I don't want to be a barbarian. One of the things when I pray at night, I say, "Lord, don't let be like white men in America. Please, don't let me be that way." That's my prayer. I'm very serious, because I don't want to engage in the mass murder of 10 to 12

million of indigents, I don't want to do that. I don't want to engage in the lynching and brutalizing of People because they have a certain texture of skin and hair, I don't want to do that. I don't want to be involed in the mass murder of the people in Vietnam in order to control our rights. I don't want to do that. And for that reason, for that reason, I reject violence. I don't want to be like want to be like Wallace and Lyndon B. Johnson. That's why I object violence. Not because I'm afraid of violence and Lyndon B. Johnson, but I just refuse to pattern what I think is good sense after Lyndon B. Johnson. You you have to understand my nonviolence also, brothers. Understand it. I saw a Negro the other day, just cussing. How mean he was. And I said, "well, I'm nonviolent." He was cussing. The next day I saw him, he's cussing, I said, "where you going?" he says, "I'm going to the army." I said, "you mean, all that cussing you did about Johnson, you going to go and fight that war in Vietnam and they haven't done anything to you?" I said, I reject

that. I reject it. And I made it plain in Boston about four years ago when Mr. Kennedy was president. I told him then that if the Viet Cong jumped back in my backyard I wouldn't pull them off them. I reject it. In other words. If I'm going to engage I don't believe in murdering people. I'm not going to murder Wallace and I'm not going to murder the Viet Cong. But it's ironic the dilemma that Negro fellas found themselves in because of the starvation economy on which they live. Twenty two percent of the American Negro, people [inaudible] America to die in Vietnam are Black and they don't go there because they're loyal to democracy and love Christianity and all that foolishness, they go there because of economic deprivation. And I don't see why. I don't see how any

fellows who say they are militant against Johnson and white racism will join the United States Army. I don't see why they would. And yet, the same guys who are always bouncing on me for being nonviolent would turn right around and go work for Lyndon B. Johnson to kill the boredom of the American republic to chase Negroes in Alabama to kill the people in Vietnam. I told Johnson I'm not involved, I don't kill people to try to solve problems and I'm not going to help him kill folks in order to uphold his tyrannical reign around the world. But they will, fellas. But Negro fellows who said they're so violent and mean as soon as the army calling their cry, going off to fight. Well, I'm not going to do that because I believe in non violence. Now, somebody said, "well suppose the government put you in jail." Well, they can do that. I know I've been in jail before. They say, "well, they may shoot you." Well, that's all right. I got my insurance paid and I'm alright

about that and no problem, I'll keep that paid up. But I refuse to to involve myself in the mass murder of other young men in order to solve human problems. I just won't do that. Now, I think that Black people all around the world, all in Los Angeles, all around America should simply say, out of principle, "I refused to involve myself in the mass murder of other young men in order to solve a problem because it doesn't solve problems." But you see, if you are afraid, say one of the things about violence is that it has to create enough fear in the subject or its object. Most of us go to the army because we're afraid of Johnson. That's right. We're afraid of the consequences of our person if we don't go, we're afraid. And so in order to be nonviolent, a person has to literally be bought to fear

he has to be bought of fear. He does not fear Johnson, he doesn't fear Wallace, he doesn't he doesn't fear the Klan. He doesn't fear CIA. He doesn't fear a khatam Negroes. He doesn't fear a thing. He goes about his business and regardless of what other people are doing. That's what you have to understand about nonviolence. Now, we've been applying this method, but we've been applying this method. Some people say that we are Khatamsch. Well, one of the America most Negroes are Khatamsch, so I don't get too insulted about that. A few days ago we went to Chicago. And we started doing research. And we discovered that jobs like driving new trucks pay ten to twelve thousand dollars a year. We discovered that many companies with 400 employees had about three or four Negroes. Now, we didn't cuss them out. We didn't throw in a bump or burn up anybody's truck. We simply went to the milk company and said, "Mr. Milkman, you are going to hire 15 Negroes or you ain't going to sell milk in the ghetto." That's

all. He said, "well, aren't you mad?" No, I said, "I love you. But you going to have to hire some Negroes." And you know what? He say, "oh no. We can't hire Negroes because in order to drive a truck you have to have a neat license." He didn't say nothing about education. Hideous white boy from Alabama dipping snuff and chewing tobacco making $12000 a year and Negroes running around trying to get a Ph.D. to make 10000. In Chicago, it's a city of 4 million people. You have a lot of new companies in Chicago. We went from milk company to milk company and we was getting 40 and 50 jobs out of each milk company and the cheapest job was paying seven thousand dollars a year and we didn't cuss nobody.

We said our prayers every time we went in. But we came out with our jobs. Now, I don't know what to call it, we call it in the cause, the Black Power. I don't know what you call that. That's Black Power. Landlords, you know, in not keeping the buildings where Negroes live is a pattern in America. Call them slums. They don't reinvest money to keep the properties up. A lot of guys buy property, you know, and then make the rent go away up because Negroes don't have in fact a place to live. You know, we didn't burn down Mr. Atlas' buildings. We simply went into the building, got all the Negroes organized and we went on a rent strike. You know, just didn't pay rent. Mr. Atlas said, "now, are you going to save the money so that when this rent strike is over you're going to pay us or not?" I said, "no, we're going to buy up in liquor. Ain't going to save nothing. And you better do right or you won't get your money."

Yesterday, a few days ago rather, Mr. Atlas sold his buildings to a nonprofit organization that will in turn co-op the building and sell the building to the community. We call that Black Power. We haven't cussed him about it yet. We haven't cussed Mr. Atlas. I call him Mr. Atlas, I call him "sir." But he did sell his buildings. That's the important thing. So you see, the cussing may not be effective. It may be effective, it may not. Be mad at the house may be significant, it may not. Usually causes the person to be blind. They can't see very well. That's why I don't engage being mad at white folks. Because being mad with white folks has nothing to do with a political and economic program. See you have to use your brains for that. Now we we were in Chicago. Mandela accused me of creating riots. And he can only say, "yeah, that [inaudible] work when Dr. King created riots." And so the movement came around and say, "are you going to defend yourself?" I said, "no, I'm not going to defend myself."

And I don't know anybody who can cause a riot or stop a riot when they want to. Riots are something like tornadoes, they just come about, you know. So anybody who tell they're creating riots are lying. Riots are moments that don't men don't create. They sort of get created. So guys go out there and say, "we're going to riot," that's foolishness. Riots are unpredictable. There is nobody in America sitting around with the ability to create riots. Understand that. So in about, who make that claim is giving themselves credit for that would men do and plant ignorance on white folks. Ain't nobody got that many Negroes organized that they can create a riot anytime they get in the ghetto. I live there, I know what I'm talking about. That don't happen. You know, it sounds it sounds romantic, it would be nice if it could happen, but at this point in history it doesn't happen. Anyway, in Chicago as in all other American cities, Negroes can't buy houses. They're locked out of the housing market. Now, said we was creating riots. Some fellows did riot. He went over in the

Negro neighborhood, beat up Negroes, shot out their houses, took hundreds of them to jail and fined them a thousand dollar bond to get out. So we told the board of realtors that we want houses. They said, "no, we can't give you houses cause your color and if you move in a neighborhood, you know, the grass will die and leaves turn brown. Kind of thing." That's one of the myths out of America, you know. And that cockroaches will come in and fleas will come around, and so therefore you can't buy houses. Now. We did a very important thing. We started nonviolent demonstrations in Chicago. We didn't cuss at the white folks. But after we demonstrated for about two days, the same Mayor Daley, who had used his police department to beat up Negroes, had to suddenly take his police department and make them beat up his own white precinct captain. I call that Black Power. I don't know what you call it. Now, somebody

said, "well, what are you out here doing?" I said, "I'm out here playing." He said, "well, won't you fight white folks?" I said, "no, mayor Daley, the police will do that for me." Now, it doesn't take a lot of genius to understand that. You can just understand that by looking at it. By simply allowing social forces to conflict so one can achieve its objective. That's what you call a nonviolent movement. Now, within the context of the whole world, the possibility of ridding the Negro community of deprivation exists. If we simply use it and you don't have to be mad, you don't have to be cussing, and you don't have to be foaming at the mouth, you don't have to pretend you're going to meet Johnson on a battlefield, cause we're not. But within the community, as it exists, there's a method to rid ourselves of slavery and tyranny. Now, I'm going to say this and I'm going to quit. Whether a Negro likes white folks or not, that's not important.

The realities are that when you are living in a world the fact that you don't like a man doesn't mean that he doesn't exist. You see, Negroes do the same thing for white folks that white folks do for China. The American government tries to pretend China doesn't exist. That's not even there. So Negroes tell that to white people, they don't exist. The reality is all that white people exist. The other truth of the matter is that they are sick. And I tell you something. I have worked in a psychiatric ward. And if you frighten a crazy man he might kill you. You have to discover a way to at least get the crazy man into the psychiatric ward. That's the realities too. Now, the American power elite is sick. The question is how then do we get them before the international world opinion to get them well, not so they will stop bothering Negroes

but before they destroy the world. That's the real question. Because if the racist sickness that is apparent in our country continues, not only will America continue to oppress Negroes, they will kill all our people in Vietnam. They will bomb China with atomic bombs. They will kill all the folks in Africa, unless they become sane. So a part of our responsibility in getting our freedom is to in fact free the man psychologically so he can make rational decisions, so we can make progress for the whole human race. Now, the problem with a lot of us is that we don't want to admit he exists and he's sick. And in order for me to gain my freedom, in order for me to walk in the world like a dignified man without all the restrictions, I know that there has to be enough sane white

people who will influence a Lyndon B. Johnson or McNamara to make sound decisions. And if they don't get well, I can't get my freedom. Thank you.