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WAR AND PEACE IN THE NUCLEAR AGE - TAPE NEW 745000 OLD 710036 VLADIMIR
PETROVSKY
Soviet-American Conflict
Interviewer:
THE QUESTION THAT I EITHER START OR FINISH EVERY INTERVIEW IN THE
SOVIET UNION, TRYING TO UNDERSTAND FROM THE SOVIET POINT OF VIEW, WHAT
IS THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE US AND THE USSR ABOUT?
Petrovsky:
What kind of conflict do you mean?
Interviewer:
THE COUNTRIES ARE OBVIOUSLY IN CONFLICT. AND WHAT I'M TRYING TO
UNDERSTAND IS WHAT IS THE CONFLICT ABOUT?
Petrovsky:
You know this... it is not by chance I just put here the question,
because I would disagree with you. I do not consider that our countries
are in conflict. And you know, if we will look at our relation and the
state of affairs between our countries, our national interest does not
contradict each other in any part of the world. Of course our interests
are different due to political, ideological orientations. But I do not
see so much conflict of interest. There is some kind of, how to say,
precious going on, but in general, our interests are the same. And our
interests are the same if we will look in the world in the new
perspective. In the perspective of interdependent world. We live on the
same planet. We are the passengers of the same outer space ship, and
like all other passengers we should behave properly in order to provide
the safe flight of this ship in the ( ). So in this understanding of
living in interdependent world makes us much more closer, and makes it
necessary to overcome certain differences which arrived as I say due to
political or ideological orientations. But I personally do not see the
conflict of interest. And looking at the Soviet-American relations I
consider that of course they consist both of elements of cooperation
and elements of the struggle. But in my mind today, in the new world,
the cooperation should prevail over the struggle. And the struggle
itself should take a new form. It shouldn't be not political or
ideological struggle. Rather it should be competition. And I see all
the good opportunities that our relation should become the partnership
relations between our countries. As far as I understand in American
practice not all partners like... love each other, but still they how
do you say, work and cooperate very successfully. So I do not see much
of the conflict of interests.
Interviewer:
WHAT ARE THE AREAS OF CONFLICT, WHICH SHOULD BE TURNED AROUND? WHERE DO
YOU SEE THOSE AREAS THAT NEED TAKING CARE OF?
Petrovsky:
I think that actually all areas in the Soviet-American relations needs
a new approach. A new approach from understanding our position as I see
it as passengers of outer space ship. First of all this is area of
disarmament and arms limitation, and in this area we have made a very
important move now. For the first time in history we have obtained the
agreement, which would deal with the physical liquidation of nuclear
weapons. Previously, you know, we just spoke about disarmament, called
different measures as disarmament measures. But it was not really a
disarmament. It was arms limitation, arms control. And now, for the
first time in history we have a measure of nuclear disarmament. This is
one field. There are certain, how to say, and difficulties in this,
with regard to the regional situation in the different parts of the
world. But...
Interviewer:
CAN YOU ADDRESS THOSE?
Petrovsky:
Yes, but as I see it today there is opportunity to deal successfully
with all regional conflicts and regional situations. And you know, now
our country has taken the political decision to leave our troops from
Afghanistan, and the timetable has been established, 12 months. And
this president of Afghanistan has said that if the conditions will be
favorable from the viewpoint of non-interference. So the timetable
could be shortened. So it opens the opportunity for political solution
of Afghani situation very soon in the nearest future. But it also
provides opportunity for dealing with other situation. And here for
example, I am very much optimistic with the pattern of behavior our
countries have developed with regard to Irani-Iraqi war and the
normalization of the situation in the Gulf area. We work in unanimity.
And we consider that the mission of the Secretary General should be
supported in this area. That the war should be stopped, and there
should be withdrawal of the Navies from the Gulf area, and how do you
say, substitute them with the United Nations forces. I see as a good
sign the attitude which has been taken for example by the United
Nations by the way on a consensus basis with regard to the Central
America. Here, too, the process of national reconciliation, of course,
it's in a different way from Afghanistan. It's also developing. And
here too, all or both our countries could contribute to this process of
national reconciliation. I think there is a very urgent need, and there
is also an opportunity to work for the comprehensive solution of the
Middle Eastern situation. The process is development. I saw also the
opportunities to work constructive towards the solution of the
situation in South Africa. In other words, in all regional matters, how
to say, this theory of conflicts of interest can be overcome very
easily if we will become to deal constructively in a serious way in all
this areas. Of course some more should be done in such areas and
economic relations. Here, it's a... how do you say, open field of
productivity. I think the trade relations between our countries is on
much more lower level that it could exist. And we should also... here
also to overcome certain stereotypes, to stop, you know, playing with
so-called strategic goods, some of that is nonsense. There is no real
obstacles for the development of relations in the bilateral field. In
other words, in general, with the Soviet-American relations there is a
good opportunity to start to build them in a new way. As I said, in
partnership way. But for these purposes, maybe... This is very
important, and I spoke once when I was in..., it is very important to
overcome you know, the image of the enemy of each country, and to start
to think new.
Soviet-European Relations
Interviewer:
IN THIS CONTEXT THERE WAS SOME ANXIETY, LEGITIMATE OR NOT, EXPRESSED IN
EUROPE FOLLOWING THE AGREEMENT FOR "DECOUPLING" OF AMERICA'S COMMITMENT
TO EUROPE AND SO ON AND SO ON. WHAT CAN THE SOVIET UNION DO ABOUT
REASSURING THE EUROPEANS?
Petrovsky:
You know, we are not going to break the existing relations of Europe
with other countries with the United States. And we accept it as a part
of reality. Anyhow the European process, which is successfully
developing since the Helsinki final act includes the United States as a
part of this European progress. And we're never -- the cooperation
between all European countries as well as United States and Canada is
taking place this process is developing very successful. This is not
our intention to decouple the other. Vice versa, our intention to make
European relations developing in the directions of improving the whole
situation, not only on a military/political level, but on all other
level, through the channels which has been established in Helsinki. The
channels which include the active participation, also of the United
States and Canada.
Interviewer:
NEVERTHELESS, WHAT ABOUT REASSURING COUNTRIES LIKE FRANCE AND GERMANY
AND SUCH WHO ARE THE MOST ANXIOUS ABOUT SOVIET INTENTION?
Petrovsky:
You know, our intention has been manifested very clearly... very
clearly, I think, and not only in the words. The words are also
important. We've made a number of statements. But I think what is more
important that the words has been supported by our practical deeds. We
made a number of very practical suggestions, to show that we are not
going to liquidate the medium-range weapons and the shorter-range
weapons in order to open the way for dealing with other weapons. Our
intention, for example, is to start a very serious talks on the drastic
reduction of conventional armaments and conventional armed forces. We
have proposed to NATO countries to liquidate the armed forces and
armaments by 25 percent by the 1990. So our proposals are on the table
and we're waiting the answer on the western side. And by the way, I
would like tell you that together with the discussion of these matters,
we are ready to discuss the tactical nuclear weapons which are less
than five hundred kilometers, which are not yet prohibited, but as far
as I understand, NATO is not ready to deal with this matter. So our
intention with regard to Europe, to level down the military
confrontation as low as possible.
Interviewer:
WOULDN'T THAT ALSO INVOLVE POTENTIAL CHANGES WITH SOVIET UNION AND ITS
RELATIONSHIP WITH OTHER SOCIALIST COUNTRIES OR OPENING, LET'S SAY,
GERMANY'S? DO YOU ENVISION SOME KIND OF A PROCESS, A POLITICAL PROCESS
OF SOME SORT?
Petrovsky:
You know, as I see it, the political process should develop like the
military process, all other process, along the lines which has been
determined in Helsinki. So in Helsinki it was acknowledged the reality
of Europe, the inviolability of its frontiers and the necessity to
develop the dialogues between all countries of Europe, without any
exclusions. And we are strongly supported to this Helsinki Final Act. I
will tell you, Helsinki Final Act, this European process, for us serves
as a kind of, you know, model how the relations between different
countries could be organized without detriment to interests of any
particular participant of this program.
Interviewer:
I AM NOT AWARE THAT THE HELSINKI ACCORDS AND THAT THE HELSINKI PROCESS
IS NOT, IN FACT, A VERY LIVE ONE.
Petrovsky:
Very live. You are absolutely...and it brings practical results and it
brings the results, you know, in the military field now. We have a very
elaborated system of the confidence building measures. But what is very
important, it is very resultive in the field of the human contacts, in
the field of developing on the relations on humanitarian field. This is
very important and we can see that it is very important that all the
countries should put their own national legislation on human rights in
accordance with the Helsinki Final Act. It's helped to set a certain
pattern to which all the countries should follow. There is also, how to
say, very lively development on economic field and we are going to go,
to go further. And I can see that, you know, there is a certain
dialectic of development of the European relations. The deeper the
understanding going between the European countries, the deeper trust
exists. The more volume is possible to obtain in all fields of the
relations. And I think Europe could serve as a kind of a good example
and that's why it is very important, very important to understand that,
how to say, all the apprehensions which are riding. And of course,
nobody could prohibit the apprehension. Apprehension could arise. But
if apprehension is arising they should be answered in a very direct
way.
Interviewer:
THE FRENCH, THEY'RE REEMPHASIZING RELIANCE ON NUCLEAR WEAPONS. GOING
THROUGH THEIR PROCESS OF MODERNIZATION.
Petrovsky:
You know, I will tell you from our own experience, and our own... in
our own country we are very involved in the process of Perestroika. We
understand how difficult that the new things should be established as a
part of the life. It's very difficult to change the political thinking,
the political approach. And of course, certain people are so much
strongly connected with this doctrine of nuclear deterrence that they
could not see any other alternative to this matter. Some of the people,
you know probably do not understand still the reality that is. The
other people probably are closely connected with certain
military-industrial interests. The reasons could be different. But you
know, the adherence to the nuclear deterrence sometimes prevents the
peoples to see the reality. And to see that there is another
opportunity to provide the basis of relations between countries. Not
through the military means, but through political and legal means. And
this is the only acceptable way in our nuclear space age, I would say
it.
ABM Treaty
Interviewer:
THE INTERPRETATION OF THE ABM TREATY, I ASSUME THAT YOUR FOREIGN OFFICE
ALSO PUT A COUPLE OF GOOD SOVIET LAWYERS ON THAT TO REREAD THE TREATY
AND THE ASSOCIATED DOCUMENTS.
Petrovsky:
You know, I will tell you, within the foreign office always pays much
attention to the legal readings of the document. And of course, our
lawyers are also participating in different negotiations and so on. But
for us there is only one reading of ABM treaty, the reading as it is in
its initial text. And we attach much importance to the fact that it has
been told, you know... it has been agreed actually that the treaty of
1972 should preserved in the form as it was accepted. For me, you know,
I have a legal education also. For me sometimes it sounds a little bit
strange. You know, broad and narrow interpretation. From legal point of
view there is also one, there is only one interpretation. How to say,
interpretation which is incorporated in the treaty. Probably, I am a
little bit traditional with this way, but at least according, you know,
to all the theories of international law you should adhere to the
document, to the document as it is, as it was concluded.
Future Soviet-American Relations
Interviewer:
ONE MORE. WHAT KIND OF ACTIONS AS A SOVIET WOULD YOU LIKE TO SEE ON THE
PART OF THE UNITED STATES? LET'S SAY IN ADDITION TO NEGOTIATING IN GOOD
FAITH THE NEXT AGREEMENT. WHAT KIND OF MORE GENERAL REACTION. WHAT
WOULD YOU LIKE TO SEE FROM THE UNITED STATES SO AS TO REASSURE THE
SOVIET UNION?
Petrovsky:
You know I think is very important questions. Now when we are trying to
change our relations for the better we should look how to find the
answer to this question. You know, personally as a man who has been
involved for many years in the Soviet-American relation, I think that
the matter of primary importance for us, to have some kind of policy
and strategy of trust or confidence building, we should take a very
strong actions to do away with the image of enemy, which has been
created, I would say, on both sides. And we should start to change our
thinking and our image of each other. To think in terms of partners of
each other. And here the question is arising, how to achieve it. So you
couldn't just say it one day that we're just starting partner. This is
not enough. What is really important in order to create a new image, an
image of partners, to start making practical deeds. And practical deeds
are very important and not only in disarmament field, though this is
how to say, the main directions. And here, I think the main break...
practical breakthrough has been made. Practical deeds are also needed
in all other areas in regional conflicts, in human rights, in economic
affairs, in ecological affairs. In other words it is necessary to start
to work. To put aside, you know, this polemics, and to start
business-like approach, businesslike approach which was always
trademark of American style in politics and all other affairs. So I
think this business-like approach, joint deeds, will help us to do away
with this image of the enemy and to start to think about each other as
human beings, as partners in the same big business, in the business of
survival of the whole world.
[END OF TAPE 745000 AND TRANSCRIPT]
Series
War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Raw Footage
Interview with Vladimir Petrovsky, 1987
Contributing Organization
WGBH (Boston, Massachusetts)
AAPB ID
cpb-aacip/15-4t6f18sj2m
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Description
Episode Description
Vladimir Petrovsky (Petrovskii) is a Soviet diplomat who rose to the post of First Deputy Foreign Minister from 1986-1991. Earlier in his career, he served for a number of years in the U.N. Secretariat, later (1992) becoming Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs. In this interview, he disagrees with the notion that the superpowers are in fundamental conflict, commenting that although their interests may be different there is no conflict of interest as such. At the same time, he acknowledges that every area of U.S.-Soviet relations is in need of a new approach, although he is confident that opportunities exist to deal successfully with regional and other problems. Asked to offer some assurances to European governments of Soviet good intentions, he notes that a number of proposals are currently on the table - for reducing armaments and troop levels, for example. He believes the most important objective for the superpowers should be to build mutual confidence, to do away with images of the enemy, and above all to take practical steps to resolve conflicts at all levels.
Date
1987-12-25
Date
1987-12-25
Asset type
Raw Footage
Topics
Global Affairs
Military Forces and Armaments
Subjects
United States; France; Germany; Afghanistan; Soviet Union. Treaties, etc. United States, 1972 May 26 (ABM); nuclear weapons; Nuclear arms control; Nuclear Disarmament; Soviet Union; International Relations; North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Rights
Rights Note:,Rights:,Rights Credit:WGBH Educational Foundation,Rights Type:All,Rights Coverage:,Rights Holder:WGBH Educational Foundation
Media type
Moving Image
Duration
00:20:30
Embed Code
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Credits
Publisher: WGBH Educational Foundation
Writer: Petrovskii, Vladimir Fedorovich
AAPB Contributor Holdings
WGBH
Identifier: 925946c8e820c785d33e5a7441a1c5735970ac68 (ArtesiaDAM UOI_ID)
Format: video/quicktime
Color: Color
Duration: 00:00:00
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Citations
Chicago: “War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Interview with Vladimir Petrovsky, 1987,” 1987-12-25, WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed October 7, 2024, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-4t6f18sj2m.
MLA: “War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Interview with Vladimir Petrovsky, 1987.” 1987-12-25. WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. October 7, 2024. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-4t6f18sj2m>.
APA: War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Interview with Vladimir Petrovsky, 1987. Boston, MA: WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-4t6f18sj2m