War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Interview with Michel Tatu, 1986 [1]
- Transcript
WAR AND PEACE IN THE NUCLEAR AGE - TAPE A0301 MICHEL TATU [1]
Interviewer:
AT THE TIME IN THE '50S YOU WERE WITH LE MONDE?
Tatu:
Yes, yes, and the first one in Moscow. From '57 to '64.
Khrushchev's Exaggeration of Soviet Nuclear Forces
Interviewer:
SO THE FIRST QUESTION, WHY DID KHRUSHCHEV CONSTANTLY EXAGGERATE THE
SOVIET MISSILE CAPABILITY IN THE LATE '50S?
Tatu:
Well he boasted very much about his missiles.
Interviewer:
I'M GOING TO ASK YOU TO START AGAIN. USE HIS NAME SO WE KNOW WHO YOU'RE
TALKING ABOUT.
Tatu:
Yes, Khrushchev boasted very much about his missiles beginning in '57,
'58. He exaggerated the kind of missiles he had. He did as if the
United States were under threat. But in fact he did not cheat about the
number of his missiles, but he just he just had in mind only the
missiles against Europe. As a matter of fact Khrushchev did not build
up a strong ICBM force. He built up an European force, and that was by
the hundreds, the SS-4 and the SS-5, which in fact a couple of them
were deployed in Cuba. So he was right in saying he makes, he has many
rockets, he does it as sausages, see. He said that in his speeches. But
these were not ICBM against the United States. ICBM were built up much
later after Khrushchev.
Interviewer:
SO I'LL ASK YOU THE SAME QUESTION. WHY DID KHRUSHCHEV EXAGGERATE SOVIET
MISSILE CAPABILITY IN THE LATE 1950S?
Tatu:
Well, in one aspect he exaggerated because everybody had the impression
that he was, he had masses of missiles.
Interviewer:
START AGAIN AND USE NAME "KHRUSHCHEV."
Tatu:
Oh, I'm sorry. Well, in fact, Khrushchev exaggerated very much the
number of his missiles in the sense of ICBM. Everybody believed that he
has masses of missiles able to hit the United States territory. In fact
he had very little ICBM and those were deployed much later under
Brezhnev. But he did not Khrushchev did not exaggerate the number of
missiles altogether, because at the time he was building hundreds and
hundreds of SS-4 and SS-5, which were rockets able to hit Europe and
Asia. And he came up to something like 700 such missiles in 1964. So it
was true that he was making rockets like sausages, what he said in one
speech. But the only thing was that these were not missiles for the
United States. These were not ICBM.
Interviewer:
WHAT WAS HIS, WAS HE TRYING TO CONFUSE THE UNITED STATES INTO THINKING
THAT HE HAD MORE MISSILES THAN HE REALLY HAD?
Tatu:
Probably so, yes, but at the same time he did not conceal the fact that
the... he had a huge arsenal against Europe. I remember having listened
to him several times in Moscow in those years and he said to every
European visitor we, you are our hostages. That means that if the
United States attacks us, we will strike Europe. And that meant that he
wanted to use deterrence against Europe just to deter the United
States.
Interviewer:
BUT DIDN'T HE THINK THAT BY EXAGGERATING THE NUMBER OF MISSILES THAT
WOULD JUST CAUSE THE UNITED STATES TO BUILD UP ITS ARSENAL FURTHER?
Tatu:
Certainly, that was his mistake. Yes he...
Interviewer:
START AGAIN.
Tatu:
It is true that by exaggerating or just even showing too much the
number of his missiles in his arsenal he had a counterproductive result
because it incited the United States to build up very strongly. So that
was a mistake from his part, certainly. But you know, he want, he was
so proud about his force that was the first time the Soviet Union had a
new type of weapon, ahead of the United States especially the ICBM and
the Sputnik. We...we must not forget that he boasted very much about
the Sputnik which were at the time the Soviet Union was ahead of the
United States also for that.
Effect of U-2 Incident of Soviet-US Relations
Interviewer:
OK, GOOD THANK YOU. KHRUSHCHEV KNEW ABOUT THE U-2 FLIGHTS FOR FOUR
YEARS BEFORE 1960. WHY DID HE WALK OUT OF THE PARIS SUMMIT BEING HELD
WITH EISENHOWER?
Tatu:
Well, this is a complicated question. I remember that we had strange
impressions at the time in Moscow during, just during the days of the
U-2 incident. At first he tried to minimize the...impact of this
incident. He certainly boasted that he gave the order of shooting down
powers with his U-2. But at the same time, he wanted to go to Paris,
and in fact he went to Paris and he maybe hoped that Eisenhower would
make the apology he wanted. And maybe the real problem was that he had
trouble inside the Soviet Union with his Politburo in the communist
movement at the time.
Interviewer:
DID HE USE THE U-2 INCIDENT AS AN EXCUSE TO BREAK UP THE SUMMIT
MEETING? HE WANTED TO BREAK IT UP FOR OTHER REASONS, BUT ...
Tatu:
Khrushchev probably did not want to wreck the Summit meeting, but some
people around him in the Politburo used this incident to compel him to
break the Summit Meeting and to stop the policy of d鴥nte which was
unpleasant for them. We had the Chinese who exerted an influence at the
time still on the communist movement. We had tough people around him in
the Politburo, especially Kozlov. Kozlov, was the number two man in the
party beginning in 1960. And he was working to replace Khrushchev. In
fact, the funny thing is that if Kozlov had not a heart attack in 1963,
a couple of months after the Cuban Missile Crisis, he would have been
instead of Brezhnev and maybe for 18 years also. And Khrushchev was
rather happy with this heart attack, which just expelled outside
somebody who was a main nuisance, the main obstacle he had to his own
personal power at the time.
Interviewer:
SO DO YOU THINK THAT THE U-2 INCIDENT WAS THE FINAL STRAW, THE FINAL
EVENT THAT MADE IT POSSIBLE FOR KHRUSHCHEV TO CONTINUE TO PURSUE
DɔENTE AFTER HE HAD BEEN SUCCESSFUL IN REDUCING SOVIET MILITARY
FORCES?
Tatu:
Yes, d鴥nte in fact was criticized. Already after the main event of
that period '59, the '59 summit between Khrushchev and Eisenhower, Camp
David, you know. So called spirit of Camp David, all that. It was
criticized at the very beginning by the Chinese. Then in 1960 we had
sort of open break with the Chinese although at this time they were not
mentioned by their names, but it was exactly the same, now. And in '62,
Khrushchev was under strong pressure from the Chinese, from internal
domestic pressure, Kozlov and other people around him, to make, to have
a tougher policy towards the west. And he needed very strongly a
success. He needed something to gain against the United States
particularly. So he tried Berlin in 1961, and it failed. Except that he
could build the wall, and but in fact he could not make his, what he
called "the peace treaty," between the Soviet Union and East Germany, a
peace treaty which would have meant in fact the end of the western
powers in West Berlin. And then he tried another approach to the same
problem, probably Berlin again. But he tried through Cuba, and he tried
to change the balance of forces in his favor, by deploying missiles in
Cuba.
Interviewer:
THE U-2 INCIDENT ITSELF, WAS THAT OR WAS THAT NOT A PIVOTAL INCIDENT IN
PUSHING KHRUSHCHEV AWAY FROM DɔENTE?
Tatu:
Yes, it was the, yes, a turning point, the U-2 incident was the turning
point a sort of culmination of the campaign developed by many people
around Khrushchev against his d鴥nte policy with the United States,
and especially since 1959, since the Camp David Summit Meeting between
Eisenhower and Khrushchev. The opposition to that policy was
developing, and the U-2 incident was a sort of the best opportunity for
those people for this campaign, to make definite results.
[END OF TAPE A0301 AND TRANSCRIPT]
- Raw Footage
- Interview with Michel Tatu, 1986 [1]
- Contributing Organization
- WGBH (Boston, Massachusetts)
- AAPB ID
- cpb-aacip/15-2j6833mz78
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- Description
- Episode Description
- Michel Tatu was a French journalist who served as Moscow correspondent for Le Monde from 1957-1964. In the interview he describes Premier Khrushchev's exaggeration of Soviet ICBM forces, but notes that the USSR did have "a huge arsenal" deployed against Europe, which he would tell European visitors made them "our hostages." Khrushchev's boasting, he relates, caused the U.S. to build up its arsenal even further. Mr. Tatu also describes the impact of the shooting down of the American U-2 reconnaissance plane, which the Soviet leader delayed announcing -- perhaps, Mr. Tatu speculates, because he did not want to wreck the Paris summit or at least hoped to get an apology directly from President Eisenhower. Mr. Tatu explains that Khrushchev's Kremlin rivals used the incident to turn Soviet policy away from detente.
- Date
- 1986-03-16
- Date
- 1986-03-16
- Asset type
- Raw Footage
- Subjects
- International Relations; Berlin (Germany) -- History-- Crisis, 1961; Eisenhower, Dwight D. (Dwight David), 1890-1969; Kozlov, F. R. (Frol Romanovich), 1908-1965; Intercontinental ballistic missiles; Intermediate-range ballistic missiles; nuclear weapons; Soviet Union; United States; Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962; Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeevich, 1894-1971
- Rights
- Rights Note:,Rights:,Rights Credit:WGBH Educational Foundation,Rights Type:All,Rights Coverage:,Rights Holder:WGBH Educational Foundation
- Media type
- Moving Image
- Duration
- 00:11:27
- Credits
-
-
Interviewee2: Tatu, Michel, 1933-
Publisher: WGBH Educational Foundation
- AAPB Contributor Holdings
-
WGBH
Identifier: 40e27529b404c11fd9446ee4990d4c9ae15a87a3 (ArtesiaDAM UOI_ID)
Format: video/quicktime
Color: Color
Duration: 00:00:00
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- Citations
- Chicago: “War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Interview with Michel Tatu, 1986 [1],” 1986-03-16, WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed November 4, 2024, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-2j6833mz78.
- MLA: “War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Interview with Michel Tatu, 1986 [1].” 1986-03-16. WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. November 4, 2024. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-2j6833mz78>.
- APA: War and Peace in the Nuclear Age; Interview with Michel Tatu, 1986 [1]. Boston, MA: WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-2j6833mz78