Campaign 1982, The Primaries; Democrat Governor Candidates

Major funding for this program was provided by a ground from friends of IP B.M.. The following program is a public affairs special report. The Iowa public. Broadcasting Network. I am talking on the issues I am talking about the policy changes I am talking about a little bit Campbell age 47 residence demoing former chairman of the Iowa Democratic Party. I think also that the people of Iowa know that we don't we don't need a hero to write in on the white horse with all the answers. There isn't any such person. Roxanne Conlin age 37 residence Des Moines former United States attorney only one has ever been elected to any state office. The other one has ever been elected to any state leadership position you want to actually has a record of blacklight on several thousand votes.

Jerry Fitzgerald age 41 residents of Fort Dodge former majority leader of the Iowa House of Representatives. Campaign 82 the third in a series of reports only Iowa primary election. Here is the board. But if there's one easy way to measure the stakes involved in the three way Democratic primary for governor. That measurement is money as of May 2015. Ed Campbell had raised over $230000 Roxanne Conlin over one hundred sixty five thousand dollars. And Gerry Fitzgerald over eighty five thousand dollars and that's nearly a half million dollars to sway the sentiments of at the most 150000 expected voters or looked at another way over 3 dollars for each vote cast next Tuesday.

To ordinary onlookers such expenditures might seem outlandish to party professionals though they're not. Not a new year when the Democrats have a good chance to win back in office they lost 14 years ago. Indeed for at least one party professional the entire race hinges on money not just his campaign's ability to raise it but the state's need to raise more of it. The professional is Ed Campbell and his campaign is profiled by Sid Sprecher. Now others see me as a candidate for governor this day. And I am talking on issues I am talking about policy changes I am talking about. New initiatives new ideas. And I'm just. Even as Campbell hit the road on his campaign it was apparent his was going to be a campaign style not of personality but of issues. Although his knowledge of the mechanics of campaigning is undeniable he was often perceived as a person who was on easy pressing the flesh.

And in the coffees and small gatherings around the state Campbell pitched himself not as a populist personality with grassroots support but rather as the candidate best able to handle what he considered the state's major issues most notably the state's economy. When the Republican administration this state tells us we're in good shape financially. We got a balanced budget they're not telling us the truth or give us the facts. The day that I'm elected governor I'm going to work. I don't have to have an orientation program. I don't have to be told how you deal with the islet General Assembly. I've done that for 15 years in one capacity or another and I think with the cutbacks we've had with the federal administration on the Republicans and with the advent of the new federalism it's going to take somebody who knows how to be governed. Someone who can lead people get the job done. The alarm which Campbell sounded early was the state is going broke and to balance the state's teetering budget he advocated traditional Democrat solutions

solutions like closing tax loopholes. We found 57 millionaires in this day who paid no taxes. Like his opponents he called for a ceiling on the amount of federal income tax that Iowans can deduct from their state taxes. And like other Democrats he advocated a 2 percent tax on the gross receipts of oil companies doing business in Iowa a move he says could lined the state coffers to the tune of 50 to 60 million dollars. That's money that take care of things like our roads and our highway. But while the issues can be raised quickly claps to the Democrats the solutions he advocated and his candidacy itself received only a platonic embrace. And early in the campaign Campbell's position in the polls showed him trailing his more gregarious opponents who seemed to cultivate the one on one styles of campaigning long thought to be essential for primary success. And furthermore there was a strong perception that all three Democratic hopefuls held the same positions on the issues.

That is until early May when Campbell and what will be considered either an active campaign suicide or political brilliance made his move. I asked the people this day to invest a penny and I was future and pay an additional one cent tax on sales. As is currently the case. This one cent tax increase will not apply to food prescription drugs or gasoline. Campbell claims the additional 1 cent of sales tax revenue would provide the state with an immediate one hundred forty five million dollars and now says the candidate to provide 70 million dollars in tax relief to cities and counties and 13 million dollars in direct aid to local school districts. But a tax increase touted by a politician in an election year is as rare as a son of Iowa winner and voter acceptance of it will not be measured until June 8th. Campbell has not let the issue feed. Is taken to flying about the state holding

news conferences and chiding his opponents for not taking a position on the matter. Vest journalism well enough to talk about the tax and budget questions for his own political reasons is simply irresponsible. It is asking voters to buy a pig in a poke. Roxanne Callan has taken a somewhat different tack. She has promised increased funding for new programs for virtually every Democratic constituency group in the state. Although many of these proposals have merit. They're no more than a cynical delusion. If there is no funding to carry them out. In fact trying to pin my point us down on this issue of paramount importance is like trying to catch a bucket of smoke with a butterfly net. This is the one key issue of the campaign. If the election is to be more than a popularity contest. How's this we get it right. Christ how are you. Ed Campbell how are you.

In the weeks since Campbell took the campaign offensive he's become a smoother campaigner grasping the hands of the electorate with effectiveness. The money has continued to flow to his campaign more than any of his opponents and like all candidates he says he's where he wants to be and says people are taking him seriously as a candidate he is today instead of the organizational politician the strong right arm of Harold Hughes he was before. All right. Right now you know you were in there even saw his affiliation with Hughes and his role in Iowa politics his reputation as a political pro is not something for which Campbell intends to apologize. He wears his reputation like some swordsman where they're doing scars is a badge of tested and proven experience at the Democratic Party needs in the member. I don't really think it's a wrap I've been saying early on one of the biggest drops in the head the past we've had Democratic candidates running for governor is that they've never had the where with all to raise the

necessary financial money to conduct a campaign. I proven one thing as I said before I can put together the organizational structure which I've got I've shown I can put together a financial bill. I raise more money than Terry Branstad. And I think that's what it's going to take in the fall is somebody who can put together the entire ingredients to conduct a campaign now where you say seen only financially but also some alternative proposals. You know I've been able to do that I prove that I'm Sid Sprecher. The first thing that dawned this for early in this game is that Roxanne Colorado is fairly well known and very Fister all the wrong last time and therefore he had a degree of identity and their identity was was was very small. Problem number one says John Law Ed Campbell's campaign coordinator was how to build that identity how to create the perception that the campaign for governor was

indeed a three way race. You knew that the candidate hit the road in a hurry getting himself his name and his experience in front of Democrats who may have already seen Roxanne Conlin and perhaps even voted once before for Jerry Fitzgerald. Unlike Conlin or Fitzgerald Campbell also bought $20000 worth of radio advertisements in his campaign's first month. And began mailing the first of an expected 200000 letters targeted to loyal Democrats. The campaign question was not one of just finding and organizing supporters. It was a question of picking them off. Something made difficult by the candidates. Late start and by the common perception that all three Democrats have similar positions on the issues. What that forced the Campbell campaign to do John Laws says was to find new people and find a way to break out of the pack. I think the only way to break out is with issues. Obviously when one candidate has been at it

for a year and one candidate it's been headed for three months they're the one that's been there for a year has the advantage. So we've got to look at other methods in terms of communicating messages to voters television is one of them clear. The issue was Campbell's called for a 1 year 1 percent increase in the state sales tax and the need for which was sold to Iowans with television advertisements in the last month of the campaign and say we're going to study it or we're going to take a look at it. I'm saying here today this is camels program to meet the questions about the move have to do with its timing as well as its substance for a tax increase needs to be sold to the public. And some people wonder if Campbell's late start and the timing of his tax proposal forced his campaign to rely at least partially on general election tactics like television and direct mail in a primary campaign where premium is put on personal contact.

Well I think that's true and agree. But. Again there is more than. There is more to any election than word of mouth. Furthermore the strategy makes sense. John Law says because of what the Campbell campaign perceives as the undecided nature of the Iowa primary electorate. A majority of people the people that will in fact decide who wins or who is the selection will make up their minds. In three or four weeks within a three or four week window before. The election. Historically that has been true but historically Democratic gubernatorial primary campaigns haven't been 15 month efforts which allow a candidate to develop a one on one report with voters that can be crucial to victory. One candidate who did that was Jimmy Carter who used the press coverage of his victory in the 1076 I will precinct caucuses to propel him to the presidential nomination. Another who hopes to do that is Roxanne Conlin whose

campaign is profiled by Sarah fresher. I believe that government has a role to play in assuring that children don't go to bed hungry in assuring that old people don't freeze to death in their own homes and assuring that we have clean air and clean water and safe workplaces. But I also think the government has a responsibility to make sure that in performing those duties it's done effectively it's done efficiently it's done rationally and that we do not burden the people of this state or this nation with unnecessary regulations. It is the best of both possible worlds. The Democratic Party's tradition of caring for those who can't care for themselves wedded with the notion of lean and efficient government popularized by the 1980 election necessitated by the economic crunch tailored to I was moderate tradition. So too is the candidates style I think.

My underlying philosophy of government. My underlying philosophy of leadership is a consensus building. I will find out as much as I can personally about the problem. Very often my asking people who know and build a consensus around each issue as a part of a total comprehensive plan for governing the state of Iowa. I am the kind of leader who tries to get everybody pointed in the same direction and. Runs around in front. Roxane come on has built that consensus now for 15 months. She launched her campaign from a platform that called for reform of the criminal justice system traditionally considered a conservative issue. The four point proposal advocates eliminating parole establishing a sentencing commission to develop reasonable and rational sentences for separating violent nonviolent criminals in the state's correctional facilities and compensating

victims of crime. Since then she has broadened her platform and counts as a cornerstone of her campaign a series of initiatives designed to stimulate the state's economy especially to encourage small businesses here in order to provide jobs for the thousands of Iowans out of work. The proposal includes For starters a consensus builder. The appointment of a task force on election in November that will have long range economic development options ready to present to the legislature in January. In the meantime Conlon has called for granting a tax credit of up to $1000 on income or property tax for businesses that create permanent private sector jobs. Reducing the burden of regulatory compliance on small businesses by simplifying rules and regulations requiring the state to give 5 percent of its business to the state's small businesses. Creating a department of small business and the I would development commission that would allow for

one stop shopping for permits licenses and certificates similar by the way to a measure called for by Bob Ray and establishing a fund through which the state would provide money for new businesses or new product development which would be paid back through a percentage of the company's profits. I've also not entirely rejected the possibility that there's a sensible way to fit together the 130000 ones without jobs with the things that I wanted to have done. The roads are deteriorating and the roads have disappeared the bridges are falling into the water and there may be a sensible way to to fit those two necessities together. Some sort of public works. Yes you would not have posted I have not entirely rejected that no there's no model. It's never been done on the state level. Very complicated and I'm not advocating at this at this point that we can do that. But I am looking at it.

Conlon is also looking at how a state budget that is dangerously close to dipping in the red can still provide services to traditional Democratic constituents. She supports fellow Democrats calls for capping the federal deductibility on state income tax and has not ruled out but will not endorse a sales tax increase at this time. At this point the question of what tax is premature. We don't know how much money we will need to raise. We don't know what our economic conditions will be. We don't know what the federal government will do unto us. So I think that it is not wise at this point for me to get myself wedded to a particular methodology of raising the necessary revenue for the state of Iowa before I raise taxes. I want to know for sure that it is essential and that there are not other things that we might do instead. Because taxes draw money out of the economy money that we very desperately need at the moment to try to

get our economy going again. The approach is moderate and middle of the road on a number of issues. For example her campaign literature and ads talk about the need for the survival of the state's educational system in difficult financial straits because of funding cuts. Conlon solution again a balancing act between achieving economic efficiency such as the sharing of administrative functions and personnel by school districts. But not reorganizing them and putting more money into the school system. Though she doesn't say where that money will come from or how it will be raised. And the reason she doesn't is because it was economy is no longer stable and predictable. It is subject to the whims of Washington and of an unpredictable farm economy and that demands what Conlon calls a flexible approach.

We don't know the answers to any of those questions. We have to be more flexible in our approaches to problems during this on certain periods. It is in her own words the approach of a pragmatic populist realist. One who says she wants to govern is by pulling people together. I think also that the people of Iowa know that we don't we don't need a hero to ride in on the white horse with all the answers. There there isn't any such person. But what we do need is someone who listens who involves and includes and who calls on the decency and the discipline and the common sense that's already there in the people of the state. I'm Sarah fresher. Do you get if you have three people there are going to be you got to personally factor this is sometimes going to override the insistence on issues. But it really is going to be. A popularity type-A saying it's time to size it up by the public by the elected

populace of the other of them as individual people and their capabilities as people implied in that assessment of the state's gubernatorial primary offered by Conlon campaign manager Tom Chapman was the goal of the condom campaign to establish the presence of Roxanne Conlin as a person. I know that was accomplished by the candidate herself. And what political organizers from all three gubernatorial efforts have called a classic textbook primary campaign from an early start it relied heavily on personal contact. And word of mouth. The traditional vehicles for primary success issues were not avoided. However their importance was seen as much for their merits as for the methods to help create the image of a candidate who cared less. Take the anti crime program for example. It contained legitimate concerns that grew out of her job as U.S. attorney. But it

also helped define her image for the public. Crime is a is a major issue. A person who may not be. That aware that. The conscious of that thing being a particular thing being an issue. May see. Interaction and her involvement or her feeling about it this Chapman suggests helped establish the credibility of Conlon as a candidate. Right. What also needed to be established based on the belief that a three way primary can boil down to a popularity contest as Chapman suggests was the notion that the candidate was familiar to Iowans on a first name basis the importance of which was recognized by the condom campaign which sold it on bumper stickers leaflets and in television advertising contests together. The way to grow.

Roxanne is the message. Roxanne is the media. Roxanne will be able to go into that home in the living room and talk. I don't want to want to basis just as he's been doing for many many months now. All of this helped Conlon gain the status of the front runner and the problems that go with it. One of the problems that can arise from protecting a lead in politics is the perception that a campaign has no movement that it has stopped. And when that happens challengers have room to maneuver to chip away at a base of support that they hope might grow soft in the final days of the campaign. In the final weeks of this campaign Jerry Fitzgerald's trying to do just that using his proposal to create jobs in the housing industry to draw a distinction between Condon's and Campbell's campaigns and his which is profiled by Mark Braun. Neither rain nor the gloom of unfavorable voter polls deters

driven candidates like Gerry Fitzgerald of Fort Dodge. And despite a two month endless stream of road signs faces and handshakes from the political veterans still lights up when he works a crowd like this group of senior citizens in the rural western Iowa community of Ottawa lair and to Fitzgerald's wish comes true and he wins the June 8th primary. You'll have to endure another five months of life on the road. Perhaps a bone tyrant got like campaigning is the best way for us to pick and choose our leaders. Perhaps not but it's the way things are. Candidates have to live with it. Thank you. Why then are some people drop out of this sort of life. Jerry Fitzgerald contends he does it because political office affords a unique opportunity and challenge to bring about change for the better as I do I think the people who are in economic distress those who are unemployed. Those who are in small businesses that have not had a great deal of success because of the economy

do. Not do that there. This meant that. Farmers were on the verge of not making it. And. People who have jobs but who are fearful of the economy. I think that's what this. Primary this. For Mike and those people who are worried about the economy are saying Richard Fitzgerald is one of their customers. The appearance of sincerity when discussing his motivations carries over to the state's critical issues that he says need his solution. Like all gubernatorial candidates Fitzgerald is convinced that the number one issue in this primary is the economy. And he apparently thinks the best way to exploit that number one issue thereby get into voter psyche sure is to hammer on the subject of jobs and jobs is what he talks about at every opportunity. He touts his state bond program as a way to create several thousand jobs in the home construction industry. We have concentrated on developing programs that will put people back to work.

They're not here also not an ACA but there are specific approaches that will in fact put several thousand islands back to work and they're very workable and I might add they're the only ones so far that have come out of the campaign that have the capability of putting people directly back to work and don't rely on some wish Mr. hope for things that might happen if this or if that took place. Under Fitzgerald's proposal the state would use almost three million dollars from an already tight budget to prime the bond pump. Private investors would hopefully purchase the Bidens which in turn would generate 100 million dollars that could be loaned to Iowans who had lower mortgage interest rates to purchase new homes. Three million dollars subsidizes the low interest mortgage loan. Home builders of course love to hear talk like that because it means jobs in the construction industry. A traditional area of Democratic blue collar support. Not as a gently the candidate has gained the endorsement of the building trade unionists.

That's Gerald has also proposed taxing oil companies excess profits using the proceeds to repair the state's dilapidated bridges with a public works program that would also he says put people back to work. Just as many of Iowa's residents are facing depleted bank accounts state government is in tight straits too. And unless the economy turns around quickly it seems certain that some kind of tax increase will have to be imposed to keep the Treasury in the black. The amount of Gerald's while acknowledging the state budget problems of course is very reluctant to discuss what type of tax increase he would favor if it becomes necessary. Promises to have specific proposals if he wins the primary and his Republican Terry Branstad in the fall if if in fact we are forced to do tax increases and I think we ought to look at it with the notion that where we ought not to just say we're going for tax increases whether they're needed or not. The other major issue in this campaign as Fitzgerald says is the question of experience. Appoint Fitzgerald pushes frequently to the public. As a

former state representative and former House majority leader Fitzgerald stresses he's the only Democrat running for governor who has held elected office and he argues that legislative experience will translate into executive competence where using of course the experience the referring of course the fact that I'm the only one has ever been elected to any state office. The other one has ever been elected to any state leadership position you know I want to actually has a record of black and white out several thousand votes comparable I might add Terry Branstad. And finally as majority leader the only one who's ever actually had to perform well at the state official state government turns up actually making things happen. The question is Has any of this caught on the jobs program. The experience the personal style Fitzgerald is optimistic cautiously I think that very close between Roxanna myself every indicator we have.

Shows that Roxanne about a week before the district convention starts to flat. Out. Nothing has happened to change that. At least up until now. Every indication we have also is about that same time we started to work faster than we. Had in the last couple of weeks. Movement in some counties for Manning. There's no way we can tell for sure just how thick that line is looking at whether it was election day. My own feeling is that again when you say. Case will win. Before I mean that Michael Ross. Well the fortunate. But. I don't expect it to be that I think that there's some up and down just as it goes for the writers I fully expect a very close race. No question. Our plan believes in the concept that Iowa voters are very well-informed on issues. And that a specific message as there is the best way to recruit support and votes in a very short campaign. So I read that a catch up campaign. Another phrase used by campaign manager

Steve Murphy to describe the Fitzgerald effort. The goal was to make the candidate strong enough early enough to create the perception of a two way race between Fitzgerald and Roxanne Conlin. The strategy used the base of support established by Fitzgerald during his unsuccessful campaign for governor in 1978 and build on it with a hectic schedule targeted toward the state's major media markets with one important strategic addition. You can't you can't do well in 14 or 15 counties and do very poorly and 75 counties because those 75 counties contribute over a third of the vote. That's a big chunk of the vote you can't Fitzgerald went after those votes with his record as a legislator in rural Iowa and everywhere else he used it to establish his credibility as a candidate. And to reestablish an image that was tarnished many feel by his crushing defeat in the 1978 general election. The word used to create that image was

experience subtly sold on his campaign handouts and press release mastheads directly sold on his 11th hour campaign comparison flyers and hammered home on each of the candidates six television commercials in times like these we need a governor who has proven you can get the job done. FITZGERALD The experienced Democrat for governor. Probably have emphasized the news media and using advertising electronic media advertising more so than the conventional approach to LEDs put it another way. Television was pivotal as Steve Murphy says because television creates movement. The perception that Fitzgerald was closing in during the final stages of the campaign. But television is pivotal as murky as it is then so too is the money to buy it. Money the Fitzgerald campaign suggests it would like to have had more to broadcast more spots. And what that suggests is that the campaign had to make up for television with

other less expensive methods of persuading voters a campaign that was trying to do everything to catch up. But Wayne knows whether it's. The central committee member knocking on the door or making a phone call or a television ad for a candidate speech to finally determines what a voter does. Election Day that's why we do everything. The odds are good that all candidates will be doing everything between now and June 8th. Everything to convince voters that their sales tax plan small business proposals or jobs programs make them worthy of the Democratic nomination for governor in the long run. What will be important is not voter endorsement of one plan over another that will fade with time. What will be important instead is the record of this primary campaign as a forum for ideas and that is what the political process is supposed to be all about. I'm getting bored with that. But this is. The thing that

I mean this week again and. Again. This campaign was a public affairs production. The Public Broadcasting Network major funding for this program was provided by a grant from friends of PBS.