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Can it is a pleasure for me to be back on this campus once again particularly for the opportunity to see some old friends. It's a pleasure as well to be back in the state of Massachusetts which has sometimes not always and certainly not with any consistency. I stood alone among the other 49 states the citizens of this state stood alone in 1972 rejecting the politics of reaction. It's part of the tradition of public speaking for the speaker to begin by telling the audience what a pleasure it is to be here.
And it is a pleasure for the reasons I've mentioned as well as because of my profession. I'm by profession a politician. I know that's not among the most popular professions to be an in the United States in 1978. We count it a pleasure therefore when anyone invites us anywhere for any reason I think it's somewhat a shame that many of you probably don't hold my profession in high repute because it is such an important profession. It is you know the people who do what I do who decide whether or not you will do what you do. It's a rather ancient profession. There are many who believe it to be the world's second oldest profession. I'm just proud to know that I belong to the finest body of men that money can buy.
Another part of the ritual of public speaking and it has its own ritual. But part of the ritual incest that the speaker preface his or her remarks with want a more hilarious anecdotes. The purpose of these are several fold intended to put the audience in a good frame of mind. To convince the audience that the speaker is a good person that he or she has a sense of humor just like everyone else. And also to make the speech appear to be a little longer than it really is. So here is a hilarious anecdote. I. I live in Atlanta Georgia which is a pretty large and cosmopolitan place compared to Amherst. But when I was a boy when I was just a boy
I lived in a small town in rural Georgia a really teeny tiny place. What some of you would probably call a plain place. A little town called Ford Valley. Now when I lived at Ford Valley it was distinguished because it was the home of two institutions. One was a manufacturing plant a place called the Bluebird bus manufacturing company. They manufacture Bluebird bus bodies and the other was a college a four year college which when I lived there was called Ford Valley State College for Nigro times. Now you know of course that Georgia. Like Massachusetts says Major Mendus racial progress in the last 30 years or so. So now this school is just called Ford Valley State College is still for the neg grows however. Now I'm among the
people who lived in this little town where two men want to minister the other politician. They're very close friends but despite their friendship they. Argued with each other almost constantly about which of them made the greatest contribution to humankind. The minister used to say it is I I take care of problems in the hereafter. The politician would say no it's I I take care of problems right here on Earth. Well the argument between them just went on and on and probably would still be going on now except that the minister got up early one morning and looked out his front window. Much to his shock and chagrin saw a dead jackass in his driveway. So he called the politician on the phone and said See here there's a dead jackass in my driveway. I want you to have it hauled away. The politician said I don't know why you're calling me. You're supposed to bury the dead. The minister said yes that's true. I said but I'm also supposed to notify the next of kin.
Well easy any one of you who happens now to be young. Or gifted or black. Or any combination of the three may well 20 years from now look back on 1978 as the year the racial tide was turned. The twenty four years since Brown versus the Board of Education had seen a successful series of demonstrations legislation lawsuits that have slowly lifted some black Americans from a position of permanent peonage. From sittin and freedom ride to Civil Rights Act of guaranteeing access to the ballot box and to the lunch counter seat the forward march of America's most easily defined and
most obviously despised minority seemed painfully slow. But certainly sure. No single act in 1978 reversed this forward motion but a continuation of catastrophes begun long ago. Climaxed in 1978 to give America's Neo Confederates the upper hand once again. The very brightest years of hope and promise had followed the Supreme Court's 54 ruling that separate schools were by their nature illegal and unconstitutional. For many black Americans of the period a likely extension of that decision was that the entire American order. Which insisted on separate and unequal schools separate and unequal jobs
separate and unequal homes and lives would be dismantled to the decade and a half which followed the Brown decision. I had seen this hopefulness translated into a militancy black America had not expressed before the 1960s freedom rides and sit ins led by young black people but supported in some measure by their elders assisted by white youth consumed with moral outrage. I quickly began to eliminate the surface some bottles of Jim Crow. Congress had passed the first Civil Rights Act this century in one thousand fifty seven. In one thousand sixty another act permitted federal overseeing of the election process. The first step toward enfranchise meant for Southern blacks in 1964 the most
comprehensive civil rights act to date was passed prohibiting interference with the right to vote offering federal assistance with school desegregation eliminating government discrimination based on race color religion sex or national origin. Also in 1964 the twenty fourth amendment to the Constitution was ratified ending the use of the poll tax in federal elections. In 1065 the Voting Rights Act was passed strengthening the ability of the federal government to ensure equal access to the political process for racial minorities. Three years later in 68 criminal penalties were imposed on anyone who interfered with voters. Discrimination in the sale or rental of houses and apartments was made illegal. Finally in 1972 the Equal Employment Opportunity Act was passed which covered
public and private educational institutions state and local governments employers and unions with 8 or more workers. All were covered by federal legislation prohibiting discrimination. Now this parade of paper promises seems more than impressive and on paper it quite certainly is. But in 1971. The United States Commission on Civil Rights created by that first Civil Rights Act passed in 57 issued a study which asserted that the massive a ray of legislation had managed to protect some basic rights but that American discrimination still festered and grew. The goal of equal opportunity the commission said is far from achievement but the motion and the movement of the 1960s had made it apparently impossible in the
1700s for most Americans to believe that American black people still sit at the bottom of a long long ladder. The removal over the decade of the 1960s of the more blatant forms of American apartheid have made it too easy for too many to believe that the major battles have been fought and won. In fact far too many are in danger of being reach for it again and last beginning in 1968 and the elevation to the presidency that year of a candidate resurrected from political death. The majority American population began a movement halting and disorganized at first but in solid lockstep now to roll back the gains made by America's minority population.
Once installed in office the new president quickly began the national nullification of the needs of the needy. The gratuitous gratification of the gross and the greedy and put into power the politics of penury S.A. prevarication impropriety pious platitudes and self-righteous swine ish ness. Swiftly and with malice of forethought. This collection of cruel and callous castrator has killed and cut back the John Sony and programs erected to mount war on poverty. They are an alterable each change the United States Supreme Court. From the defender of the rights of minorities that had been to its current status as protract or of the privileged and the powerful. They awaken the slumbering and sullen American majority and gave it voice leading
a chorus of complaints from a people suspicious of their government eager to place blame for its failure to guaranteed continued preference on the backs of its most successful petitioners. They cut back on school integration on federal aid to education on the pathetically small programs founded to make war on economic inadequacy. But the worst damage was done when the victim was made to feel a part of the crime. When the people wronged were told to set themselves right when the federal government began a hasty and undignified withdrawal from its role as Protech door of the puir by 1975 the presidential architect of retreat from the second reconstruction was dismissed disgraced removed from power. Careless caretaker selected in his stays
once again the diced hopes of the American underclass where Reagan used and they turned in 1976 to the polls in record numbers to ensure the election of a champion who both because of and in spite of his origins seem singularly committed to closing the gap between shadow and substance in the American dream. Two years later. We discover we may have voted for a man who knew the words to our hams but not the numbers on our paychecks. Two years later. A great many discover we thought we were voting for the Waltons. But I've got the Yoakum zoo in St.. But presidents by themselves are not able to reverse great times in human history. Nixon's evil genius could not individually retard the momentum of 200
years. Nor can Carter's clumsiness claim credit for the current shill. Instead each inherited a national mood and increasingly selfish population a population convinced that those on the bottom had one too much that the victim in some perverse fashion had become the master that enough had been done for the helpless few at the expense of the powerful many. Two obvious expressions of this outrage in 1978 are the Supreme Court's decision on backy and the California vote on Proposition 13. Each wrongly incest that yesterday's efforts are sufficient to guarantee the IE quality held to be the American Standard. Each wrongly believes that end agenda Americans can somehow do for themselves in spite of 200 years of history which
demonstrate almost daily. It just isn't so. Rather than eliminating hateful quotas The Bacchae decision in fact helps to reinforce to reinforce a 200 year old racially and sexually motivated quota system a quota system which is guaranteed that only the male and the pail will enjoy a monopoly on good jobs. On and on positions of power and prestige in government on all of the benefits and rewards the United States of America promises the many but delivers only to the few. Those California yes. No I'm saying that here those Californians both white and black who voted for Proposition 13 and who did not believe it was a bathhouse and their compatriots in other states who cry out daily for more of the same
object not only to high taxes but to high welfare rolls as well to special programs designed to eliminate the vast difference between those who have and those who don't. We read now of the new conservatism of the me first era of an age where selfishness has become the established order of the day. Oh very wise man or at bottom at least a powerful man observed last year that life is unfair. Just how unfair it is for that 13 percent of the American population who share some African heritage can be seen clearly by comparing the background and progress of two American males born at the same time in the same place fifty four years ago. Let us make one an approximate figure the statistically average
54 year old black American man will call him Jackson Johnson. Let us color the other man white and call him James Earl Carter our white man comes from five generations of Georgia landowners cotton farmers and merchants not rich men but men of substance. Staunch segregationist all. Men who profited from the savage system of economic and political peonage for blacks that was the linchpin of the Southern economy. Our white man's father was a community leader a member of the local school board. One of the first directors of the local rural electrification Association Jackson Johnson our black man comes from five generations of slaves serfs and tenant farmers. His father was a literate.
Some of his forebears as slaves had been skilled craftsmen and mechanics in the service of their owners. But following emancipation and reconstruction were relegated to unskilled and unpleasant task work hell repugnant by white men with this unattractive work was improved by machines. It became seductive to white men too and blacks loss of this lowly occupation as well Debbi be to boys describe this average man's condition. Exactly. He felt his poverty without a cent without a home without land too or savings. He had entered into competition with rich landed skilled neighbors to be a poor man is hard but to be a poor race in the land of dollars is the very bottom of hardships he felt the weight of his ignorance not simply of letters but of life of business of the
humanities the accumulated slaw often shirking and awkwardness of decades and centuries shackled his hands and his feet. Nor was his burden all poverty and ignorance. The red stain of bastardy which two centuries of systematic legal defilement of Negro Women had stamped upon his race meant not only the loss of ancient African chastity but also the hereditary weight of a mass of filth from white whoremongers and adulterers threatening almost the obliteration of the negro home. The whole weight of the white world then its churches and its school its leadership its massive men its newspapers and its pulpits insisted their system of superiority was justified by genetics. That black Americans were inherently incapable of taking their place as equal partners in Henry
Grady's new South. But wait. You probably say. James Earl Carter can hardly be considered representative of the white man of his day. A loving mother made him read it and turned him away from the rampant racism of his times. But he shared with his average peers a wholly different launching pad the myth turned truth of presidential possibilities in every boy's breast the promise of unlimited and unobstructed horizons to arm him to encourage him. The year James Earl Carter graduated from high school the second world war began. After a year of study at segregated tax supported Georgia Southwestern College in nearby Americus he entered segregated tax supported Georgia Tech as a member of the Segregated tax supported Naval ROTC. The
following year he entered the segregated tax supported United States Naval Academy at Annapolis at Georgia Southwestern. He faced no competition from anyone who looked like Jackson Johnson. At Georgia Tech. No Jacksons were allowed and no women either white or black. The Naval Academy helped complete this androcentric education and he graduated in the top tenth of his class. He left the service in 1953 returned home to become a marginal millionaire as an agri businessman in 1062. Now 38 years old he entered politics and the rest is history. By then he and his wife had three sons and now a fourth child and a lovely daughter named Amy. For these children please please friends talking by real human beings here.
For these children educational and occupational horizons are virtually unlimited circumscribed only by their interest and their appetites. Life for them is less a matter of struggle. Than of choice. Jackson Johnson meanwhile didn't graduate from high school. In fact he didn't finish the first year. When the depression collapsed the cotton economy his family moved to Atlanta where he and his father and his brothers and his sisters worked at odd menial jobs. When war came. Our man Johnson touched perhaps by the opportunity to prove himself as patriotic and as worthy as the next man or motivated perhaps by the prospect of a regular paycheck and three squares a day entered the army as a private served in a segregated unit was discharged as a corporal. He had
managed to learn a skill he had become a cook. His first child born during military service was enrolled in school in 1948. That year the south where the bulk of the black population of America then lived was spending twice as much money to educate white children as it spent to teach black ones. They paid four times as much for white school plans as they spent for black ones they paid white teachers salaries 30 percent higher. They spent 42 million dollars busing white children to school and only one million for black school busses. The southern states were spending 86 millions of dollars for white colleges and only 5 millions for black ones. There was not a single institution in the thirteen states south where a black person could receive a Ph D.
Another Johnson child was born in 48 had nearly finished his first year in a segregated elementary school. When the Supreme Court ruled that such schools were illegal when he was 16 a junior in high school he attended his first integrated class after graduation he was drafted shipped to Vietnam assigned to an infantry company that was 40 percent black. He was killed in action. By then the Johnson family had moved to New York in search of better pay and a better way of life. Today Mr. Johnson makes about $8000 a year. But the difference between what he makes and what he must spend to live is the same difference he finds as it had been for his father before him. Like Jimmy Carter. Jackson Johnson and his wife had a late child a daughter Amy's age. She's now a year behind Amy in school
and her future educational prospects are not good ones. Her father's deprivations have humbled his children. They are deprived by what he could not give as much as by what he did. Debates about family strength or the welfare culture. These mean little to the Johnson family. They have worked hard all of their lives. They have sacrificed for their country. They are pious and they are poor and they sit in Harlem and on Chicago's South Side and and once and wonder why their American dream is a nightmare. The little johnson girl doesn't know that the median income for black families is 40 percent less than for whites or that four times as many black as white families live below the poverty line. She doesn't know that black men like her father and her older brothers lost a year of
expectable life in the 10 years of the 1960s. She doesn't know that the Rand Corporation estimates it will take 30 years for her brother her father having already exceeded his expectable life will have died by then to earn wages equal to white men their age. She doesn't know that black men with four years of college will earn one hundred and ten dollars less each year than white men with four years of high school. But if she doesn't know the numbers she knows the people and they tell her without speaking that life for her will never be a crystal stair. The little johnson girl doesn't know that for 10 years in the 1960s. A great civil rights movement thrived in the southern states of her parents birth or that it eventually spread its marches and protest throughout the
United States. If she is like her older siblings surveyed last month by Ebony magazine she knows that a man named King led that movement. But Forty eight percent of her siblings don't know who Mary McLeod Bethune won 51 percent don't know who Paul Robeson was. More than 50 percent don't know who Benjamin Hooks and Vernon Jordan are. Forty five percent of these young black people between 18 and 29 believe that making money is the best means of making progress for black people. Thirty seven percent of them believe in voting. But 35 percent believe that the Lord will provide. In 1977 53 percent of this representative group of young black America was politically impotent.
Only 51 percent believed in important to vote in every election. 17 percent thought it a waste of time to vote at all. 12 percent had attended a political rally or speech. Five percent had to work for a party or a candidate. And 27 percent. The largest single number had expressed their racial consciousness and political activism by signing a petition. This shift in one generation from the politics of protest to the politics of petition is easily understandable. These young people are assured subliminally every day that black people are equal partners in the American scheme. They see the Jeffersons moving on up. They know that JJ may live in a housing project but he's having a good time. They are told that Roger and rerun are what's happening now. They see themselves appear in
every ad but can't buy the product. Have you noticed parent that actually that on television that black people have become the kind of sewers of common foods of brands of pastries. Those kinds of things and the real trend setters and household products everything except toilet paper. Some interesting social logical notice. In most cities in most cities they see black people report some of the news but I'm able to buy them the product in 20 years. We have moved from the back of the bus to the front of the unemployment line. Now in addition to this enormous human toll in lives thwarted and lost. The difficulties and setbacks of the long years since 54 have sapped the will of many black Americans as well. Black school teachers and administrators are angry at being told their work and
their product was inferior rebelled against the notion they could not educate black children. Black parents terrified of having their youngsters faced foul mouth harridans like those in Boston and Little Rock wondered if separate but equal might not be a safer path to tread. Black young people having never known the back of the bus began to wonder whether a world set apart for them and theirs might not be easier than the chaos they face today. Black businessmen frightened by open competition. Professionals ignored by the people they sacrificed to learn to serve. A race disgusted by the racism Id met at every turn began to wonder whether yesterday's separation could ever be made equal and painless today. An increasing number of black Americans now believe that no number of black faces in high places will improve their
condition as it was said of Ralph Bunche some years ago. The food Andy Young eats don't fill their stomachs. The televised images of black progress present empty shadows on their screens. Two hundred years of apparently endless struggle have convinced too many black people that the prize will never be won. While too many white Americans believe that the elimination of the surface symbols of Jim Crow means that racial conditions have been radically and alterable each change for the better. Nothing in fact could be further from the truth. All the old sayings are still true. We are still the last hired first fired last in first out poor all out of proportion to our numbers powerless despite our ability to elect presidents. Hungry regardless of integrated lunch counters. Ignorant in spite of
integrated school whose turn the page. A quick look at the first seventy eight years of the 20th century can be instructive when this century began we were slaves in every way but legally most of us could not vote nearly any of us who had an education at all attended a segregated school and in the south for only three or four months each year most of us worked as farmers or semi skilled laborers. A few of us own the land we farmed or even our own home. By 1970 a great deal of this had changed and thankfully changed for the better. Most of us had escaped the farm for the city. Most of us are now able to vote even if many choose not to do so. Most of our children now go to schools that are integrated by law if segregated by fact. We have now become doctors lawyers teachers office
holders have spread ourselves across the entire spectrum of American employment. Yet even this progress as impressive and welcome as it is is deceptive in 1071 we were 10 percent of the workers of America but only 1 percent of the engineers 2 percent of the physicians 3 percent of the managers and administrative 6 percent of the craftsman. In contrast we were 17 percent of the service workers 20 percent of the laborers and 50 percent of the women who earn their living in other women's home use. And of course we have constantly constituted more than twice as many of those who have had no job at all. Now these statistics describe a people livin in a permanent crisis
a crisis show not just in figure and in fact but in the daily lives of millions of real human beings in the more than 100 years since Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves. The lives of black Americans continue to be colored by race since Reconstruction our fortunes have risen only to fall again much like opposite ends of a seesaw. Twice as many of us are jobless now as in one thousand sixty eight ten years ago 100000 black men have lost jobs in the short period of the Carter presidency since the beginning of World War 2. Millions of us migrated from the rural south to America's great city. More than half of us live in central cities today attracted originally by the promise of jobs and freedom from the reign of Jim Crow. As we began to arrive however. The jobs departed lured to the suburbs
by tax incentives and subsidies. In effect a real unemployment tax paid by not to the urban black population as these cities become home for the wealthy of one race and the poverty stricken of a number. The phenomenon Dr. Harvey Brenner calls the doom factor quickly comes to bear the doom factor suggest that an increase in unemployment also increases suicide rates homicide rates incidences of state mental hospital lies ations among males. These depressing occurrences reflect and record the American unwillingness to pay the inconvenience cost of fulfilling the American dream. At the same time a much larger crisis threatens to disrupt the slow progress we have made so far. Last April a writer in The Sunday Times Magazine discussed what he called the new age of scarcity
reflected in the energy crisis. Inflation growing unemployment and he noted the growth of what's been called the lifeboat ethic a metaphor that suggests all of humanity as the passengers in a kind of global Titanic a sinking ship without lifeboats enough to go around quite naturally those to be left out of the lifeboat constitute that increasing portion of the world's population that is becoming irrelevant to the productive process. The young the aged the chronically unemployed predominantly people of color. Clear manifestations of that ethic are most visible now in the spreading tax revolt the growing resistance to affirmative action. In the selfishness we see everywhere around us now black Americans have always faced this ethic in some form or another most of us are deeply experienced at treading water. We
actually began in the boat for a short time as galley slaves but as the chains were removed the slaves were thrown overboard to the sharks and told to fend for themselves. Those who survived were told we couldn't get back in. It wasn't our place. We were natural born swimmers you see. Some few were told they could climb in the boat if they were able. But we can from so many years of swimming only one or two manage to pull themselves over. Some on the inside took pity and held out a helping hand. But now we are told there's no more room in the lifeboat for you or for me. When the idea of racial justice seemed a new and widely popular fad some years ago there seemed to be a naive assumption on the part of many that it would also be freed. Change never is and when it began to pinch white union members the possessors of seniority the alan Bacchis of this country its
popularity began to wane. In the long run however the cost of achieving justice is never so great as the cost of denying it. For that cost is measured in our own pockets almost daily and in the lives of real people by the moment. What we need to do then is to broaden the scope of the civil human rights movement to include a struggle to win economic democracy to remove the economic elite ism that has characterized America since its founding two hundred years ago to when the economic democracy so long denied most Americans a deprivation which has relegated black Americans to the position of a permanent underclass. Half subsisting below the poverty line while the rest work twice as hard to earn half as much as everyone else. Among the goals worth pursuing are the following income and wealth redistribution
through a tax structure that reduces the disparity between the needy and the greedy. The beginning of the end of poverty through a program of real full employment supplemented by negative income tax for workers earning on the margin. Free cradle to grave health care for all Americans financed through the national treasury and not by profit making insurance companies effective social control of Monopoly and national regional or municipal ownership of vital services operated for the welfare of the citizens not for the profit of the few. In this context I'm reminded of a story told quite often in Baptist churches in the region of the country I am from. And if truth be told many of you are from too. It is a story about an elderly black man who used to go to church every single Sunday God sent but who as he got on and on and on in years
began to go to church last and last until finally he just didn't go or talk and on the Sunday mornings when he should have been sitting in the first pew down in front he found himself instead out in the forest on the fields hunting and on this one particular Sunday morning he was out in the woods with his rifle in his hands when he tripped over a stump and he dropped his gun. When he got to his feet he found himself looking right in the face of a big black. Burly grizzly bear. Well he began to run as fast as he could but he knew he couldn't run very far very fast he could feel the bear's hot breath on the back of his neck and could hear the click of those razor sharp teeth as a snap just an inch from the lobe of his ear and could hear the swish through the air of those razor sharp claws as they fly. Just a fraction of an inch from the fabric and the shirt on his back. So he decided he would do something that he hadn't done in a long long time and that was to pray
so as he ran through the woods at breakneck speed he threw his head back as far as he could and shouted to the heavens as loudly as he could and said Lord I know you're busy. I've checked your schedule he said but. Please don't let this bear catch. Well much to his great surprise. There was a tremendous clap of thunder. A bolt of lightning came from each of the four directions of the compass and a loud voice spoke out. The voice said how dare you. You haven't been to church in twenty five years. You haven't prayed to me in twenty and now you have the nerve the first time in two decades that you lift your voice in prayer to me instead of praying for the salvation of men so
for the elimination of poverty hunger cruelty criminality want and war. You have the nerve to pray to me to save your worthless neck. I wouldn't save you if you were the last human being on the face of the earth. Well. I don't mind telling you that the old man was disappointed. By this time the bear was licking his ear. Bare sharp claws that completely torn the shirt off his back. The bear's hard brass had straightened all the hair on the back of his head.
But he decided he'd send up just one more prayer and with his last ounce of strength he threw his head back as far as he could and opened his mouth as wide as he could and shouted to the heavens as loudly as he could and said Lord if you won't help me please don't help that bear. Now. There may be a maybe a moral there for us all. But if there's not. Let me leave you instead with some other words from the past again from Dr two boys who in an address almost half a century ago to a group of black college seniors said something which I think has almost universal application. He said We are American Negroes. It is beside the point to ask whether we form a real race. Biologically we are mingled of all conceivable elements but races psychology not biology and psychologically we are
unified race with one history one read memory and one revolt. It is not ours to argue whether we will be segregated or whether we ought to be a caste. We are segregated. WE ARE A caste. Our problem is this. How far and in what way can we consciously and scientifically guide our future so as to ensure our physical survival our spiritual freedom our social growth. Either we do this or we die. There is no alternative. If America proposes the murder of our group its moral descent into imbecility and crime its utter loss of manhood self assertion and courage. The sooner we realize this the better. By that great line of Mackay if we must die let it not be like hawgs but the
alternative of not dying like hogs is not dying and killing like snarling dogs it is rather conquering the world by thought by brain by playing by expression and organized cultural ideal. Therefore let us not beat feudal wings in empathy and frenzy. But let us carefully plan and guide our segregated life. Organize an industry and politics to protect it and expand it. What will be no one knows whose It may be a great physical segregation of the world along the color line. It may be an economic rebirth which ensures spiritual and group integrity amid physical diversity. It may be utter and Nial lation by class and race and color barriers and one ole timid mankind differentiated by talent susceptibility and gift but any of these
Series
Five College Forum
Raw Footage
Raw Footage of a Lecture by Julian Bond on Civil Rights
Contributing Organization
New England Public Radio (Amherst, Massachusetts)
AAPB ID
cpb-aacip/305-34sj3z53
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Description
Raw footage of a lecture by Julian Bond on civil rights. He gives a history of civil rights since Brown vs. Board of Education and examines the current situation of African Americans in society.
Created
1978-01-04
Asset type
Raw Footage
Genres
Unedited
Event Coverage
Topics
Race and Ethnicity
Rights
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Sound
Duration
00:49:00
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Credits
Speaker: Bond, Julian, 1940-
AAPB Contributor Holdings
WFCR
Identifier: 233.06 (SCUA)
Format: 1/4 inch audio tape
Duration: 00:49:00
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Citations
Chicago: “Five College Forum; Raw Footage of a Lecture by Julian Bond on Civil Rights,” 1978-01-04, New England Public Radio, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed October 15, 2019, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip_305-34sj3z53.
MLA: “Five College Forum; Raw Footage of a Lecture by Julian Bond on Civil Rights.” 1978-01-04. New England Public Radio, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. October 15, 2019. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip_305-34sj3z53>.
APA: Five College Forum; Raw Footage of a Lecture by Julian Bond on Civil Rights. Boston, MA: New England Public Radio, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (WGBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip_305-34sj3z53