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Welcome to everyone. Welcome to what promises to be a memorable celebration of the 1968 presidential campaign of Robert Francis Kennedy. With all the clarity that hindsight affords. I submit that 40 years ago today began the most noble valiant three months March ever undertaken in American politics. I I believe I can speak for all of my colleagues gathered here this afternoon and say what a privilege it was to have been a part of that mission. I welcome the women and men who worked and served with Robert Kennedy
those who advance from those who researched and wrote about him. All who are inspired by him and all who loved him first and most importantly I asked you to join me in the warmest of welcomes to the first lady of that campaign and of all the campaign she carries on in his name. Our pal F. Kennedy. Several generations of the Robert and Ethel Kennedy family are here with us I think and if they're not they'll be here shortly. I know Ethel's daughter Courtney and their daughter Sarah sure if they're not here they will be joining us. Daughter in Law Vicky Gifford Kennedy and her daughter Rorie grandson Joe Kennedy the third and I'll have the privilege of introducing Kathleen in just a few moments
expected. If she's not here we also want to salute Phil Johnson who chairs so ably the RFK Memorial and does a great job for Robert Kennedy's legacy in that capacity. Members of our board of directors Steve Smith if he is here and two of Robert Kennedy's cousins Bob Fitzgerald and Joe Gargan. This is one of those rare times when all of us are allowed to feel young again and to be grateful for our association with Robert Kennedy and his family and to take pride in having been a part of something larger than ourselves in the campaign of 1968 Robert Kennedy lifted the nation's hopes and provided a clear vision and path to a better world. By example he reminded us why public politics can still be an honorable profession. This 40th
anniversary permits us to celebrate and capture again for future generations. The inspirational lesson of his quest for peace and for a new world of compassion and reconciliation and justice. His energy and passion for the possible through active service his idealism balanced by pragmatism his courage to reach beyond himself and to challenge us to do the same. His belief in the politics of values and the value of politics his intolerance of indifference and his compelling moral force and voice for criminal racial social and economic justice. These were the powerful messages of an extraordinary politician in his campaign for the presidency of the United States. No spin
normally manipulation no focus groups. Maybe a little Dick Tuck prank here and there but at its core a message of gospel values in many ways the celebration of Robert Kennedy's campaign exemplifies the very mission. Of this library. This building is not a monument to nostalgia nor is that our purpose this afternoon the daily and defining purpose of this library is about the future and about inspiration the daily and defining purpose of the public lives of the Kennedy family has been and continues to be about the future and the central legacy of the Kennedy family will always be one of inspiration.
The decision for Robert Kennedy to run for president was complex and difficult and I suspect we may hear something about that in the next few minutes. For now let us go to the Caucus Room of the Senate of the United States. March 16th 1968. And listen to an excerpt of what Robert Kennedy said in announcing his candidacy for the presidency of the United States. I am announcing today my candidacy for the president of the United States. My candidacy must be tested beginning now by months before the convention and not after the primary. The role that I think that is the least that I can do to meet my
responsibility to the Democratic Party and to the people of the United States. One of the most important living legacies of Robert F. Kennedy is the commitment their children have made to improve. This world through service. The oldest among them is Kathleen Muller attorney author Professor politician public servant. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend has blazed the trail from a private practice in environmental law to assistant attorney general from Maryland to Deputy Assistant Attorney General of the United States to Lieutenant Governor of Maryland to an adjunct professor ship at Georgetown University School of Public Policy and to a visiting fellowship at Harvard's Kennedy School. Kathleen is chair of the RFK Memorial and was founder of the RFK Human Rights Award. She is a member of the board of the John Fitzgerald Kennedy
Library Foundation and several other non-profit institutions. She is the author. Of the widely acclaimed and powerful book Failing America's Faithful to know Kathleen as to more fully appreciate the power of faith the energy and a sense of mission that moved her father and her mother and continued to drive her in all the good she has accomplished for so many. Please welcome. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend. Thank you Paul. Great to be here. I want to thank Paul for leading the John F. Kennedy Library in reviving it and in doing such an extraordinary job and all of the staff at the library at John Chaddock Hampton and. Donald for arranging this memorial today and for the work that they do daily. They really do a fabulous job so thank you
so much. Really. Thank you. And of course I want to thank my mother who as you pointed out so well Paul has carried on my father's legacy and helped all of us all the children to remember him and to keep as a family loving and caring for one another. So thank you so much. And I just saw Phil Johnson thanks for showing up Phil all. Phil is the chair of the Robert King Memorial and he's doing just a wonderful job. He started the Robert Kennedy action corps here many many years ago and is just really a dedicated human being. So it's good to be with you. This is a wonderfully interesting year to remember my father. His name is in the news. Many people are referring to him quoting him claiming his legacy
disputes are rampant and I'm not just talking about my family. Of course there are questions. Who is best able to carry on Robert Kennedy's legacy. Who speaks for him. His wife his namesake his youngest child his oldest I go for the oldest myself. There must be some advantage to years. More seriously the endorsements of different political candidates by members of my family. Each of us recalling my father brings me to the happy conclusion that his legacy lives. It matters. It's important. I remember walking with my father one cool evening. It was just the two of us at twilight and the stars were just starting to come out. The president had died a few months before my father was telling me
how he tried to create the best administration. What an extraordinary group of people had worked in that effort and how special that time had been. He then quoted as we walked the crispy in day speech this story showed a good man tell his son and Crispin Crispin shall never go by. From this day to the ending of the world. But we and it shall be remembered. We few we happy few we band of brothers for he today that sheds his blood with me shall be my brother be he never so vile. This day shall gentle his condition and gentlemen in England now a bed shall think themselves a cursed that they were not here and hold their manhood cheap while any speaks that fought with us upon
Saint Crispin's Day. Certainly I was impressed that he could write Shakespeare but I was not surprised. My bedroom was next to his room where each morning he listened to Shakespeare as he did his sit ups. The story of him besting Richard Burton in a Shakespeare reciting contest in front of Elizabeth Taylor no less was part of family lore. Nor that evening did I think how he just talked about manhood and brothers not sisters and women. That awakening came to me at another time. But that evening I was moved by the sadness of my father's loss and touched by his deep desire yearning really that the feet feet and scars of those 1000 days would be long remembered would be toast and talked about for years to come.
He would take satisfaction that we are here today then and that we glory in the deeds of giants such as John Seigenthaler and Bill Vanden Heuvel and Gerry Doherty and Dolores Huerta and Rafer Johnson and Peter Edelman. He would be pleased. Still unlike Henry the Fifth whose legacy is the glory of a single battle. Well-fought my father's memory is more complicated. He engaged in multiple fights in different fields of endeavor trying to define my father's legacy reminds me of a passage of Andre Melrose book man's fate where the general and the intellectual struggle to figure out what wisdom means. The general declares that every one defines wisdom in a way that reflects their own world view their priorities and their best view of themselves. I think there's something to that and how each of us feels about Robert Kennedy. How we
look at him says a great deal about how we define our country's the challenges that our country faces. What we want from our leaders and what we think of ourselves. There are many aspects to my father. Prosecutor defenders civil rights moralist athlete who prosecuted the mob because he said either they will own the country or we will and he shamed. J Edgar Hoover into to admit that organized crime did in fact exist. He stood up to southern governors who had been his allies and who wanted to perpetuate segregation and then went on to help enact two of the most significant pieces of legislation in American history the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Like Winston Churchill he believed that moral courage was the most important virtue. So he told college students at Creighton University that the draft deferment was unfair. Medical students in Kansas that they had a responsibility to pay for health care.
And liberals across the country that work. Was worthwhile. He appreciated the role of faith in public life. On his visit to South Africa in 1966 he said it's not realistic or hard headed. To solve problems and take action unguided by ultimate moral aims and values. In my judgment it is thoughtless folly for ignores the realities of human faith and a passion and belief forces ultimately more powerful than all the calculations of our economists or our generals. And the God we pray to was not made in His own image but was a large God who cared about justice for all. When he returned from South Africa he wrote an article entitled suppose God is black. He challenged himself physically abolish the letter with the Harvard football team climbing Mount
Kennedy walking 50 miles in bad shoes and snow and ice kayaking down the Colorado and telling me at our Saturday morning touch football practices. Kathleen if you can touch it you can catch it. Easy for him to say. He had a great sense of humor. When a Southern governor upset about a Justice Department policy would complain. This is the most outrageous thing that has ever happened and the attorney general should be impeached. He would call up the senator and say I was thinking of changing my job. Anyway. The list goes on. Each of you would have your own special remembrance and insight. But I would focus on three aspects of my father in the pursuit of justice that I think are most relevant today. Politics results and compassion. First
politics. During his Senate campaign he was being interviewed on a TV talk show and I was sitting in the Carlyle watching him all by myself. The host asked a question and then said something to the effect that but you're not a real politician. My father could have Dr. Doom cured. Instead he disagreed and said Yes I am. I am a politician. That was a gutsy thing to say because it was popular then just as is popular now to criticize politics and politicians to run against Washington to claim a righteous self. And tell it you know righteous self righteousness. I'm not like those people but my father used to quote often John Buchan that politics is the most honorable profession. And in fact a book commemorates by his friends was entitled an honorable profession his appreciation of politics and engagement that he saw that
happiness that comes from participation from knowing that you can affect change from knowing that your voice counts not just on election day but throughout the year in a variety of settings. So he insisted that 51 percent of the board of community health centers be drawn from the community he'd like community action programs because they were supposed to achieve maximum participation. Government was not supposed to do things to you or. For you. But with you. Second he focused on results. During the 1968 campaign he said that government is the way to solve our most solemn common problems. I wish we had politicians today who could say that now I wish that they would not knock what they are doing. Not pretend it is awful but rather explain what's attractive about politics why it can be used to solve our. Biggest and most difficult problems. Health care education the
war in Iraq Social Security. When my father saw a problem he wanted to solve it he would ask what are we going to do about it. Who can help. How are we going to get results. It was action oriented. He wanted to accomplish something not just complain. He wanted people to focus on the problem and solve it. He didn't want vague answers. I think he was frustrated in the Senate because there was not that same sense of urgency of getting the job done. In fact he would often complain that liberals were more interested in being right than getting legislation passed. In 1967 when the education bill was enacted He worked really hard to put in the measurement system to see if all that federal money that was going into the local state school districts would actually get people more educated. And I'm telling you he met with a lot of resistance then but he persisted. And third what he gave us was a sense of compassion.
I think the memory of my father still lives because she touched people's deepest desires to live a good life. Forty years ago my father ran for president and still. Hardly a day passes without someone telling me about an encounter a shared moment an act of kindness. He still touches people all around the world. In February 1968 he agreed he had agreed to speak on Sunday evening at my high school in Vermont. And so my parents spent that weekend in New England during what turned out to be our last weekend together. We raced each other down the ski trails and the bridge scare discussed my paper on Wordsworth by the fire and talked about running for president. I love that he wanted to hear about my life school friends and he wanted to hear what my fellow students were thinking about
Vietnam. Race Relations. He was so good. At asking questions and listening that Sunday he addressed the assembled students and talked about the war the violence in our cities the desperation on Indian reservations. He painted the picture of a world yearning for justice and he asked us as the privileged and fortunate students that we were to get involved to take our responsibilities seriously to resist merely private pleasure and to use our gifts to lighten and enrich the world. That night my friend Sophie and I decided to take up this challenge and to work on an Indian reservation in the summer. I did not imagine then that I would be living with the Navajos after his death. In looking back I see that he believed in me and he believed in the power and potential of youth believed that we must make moral
choices about our lives. His own sense of justice recognized our role for righteous anger and the value of love and compassion. He often cited the graffiti on the wall of the pyramids that no one was angry enough to speak out. And his anger at injustice impelled him to attack corruption in the labor unions. He insisted that the Greyhound bus company which resisted transporting the Freedom Riders to find a driver. He reminded the sheriffs who wanted to preventively arrest the farmworkers about the Bill of Rights. He suggested to American diplomats who would defend South American Oligarchs and North American business interests that those who make a peaceful solution impossible make a violent revolution inevitable. And yet when the injustice attached to him directly he did not react in anger.
When my uncle John Kennedy died he wrote me a letter from the White House. Dear Kathleen you seem to understand that Jack died and was buried today. As the oldest of the grandchildren. You have a special responsibility. Be kind to others and work hard for your country. Love Daddy at that moment. He could have been bitter. He could have been angry resentful. Revengeful. And yet by writing he told me that he was thinking of me caring about me wanting me to be responsible kind and loving. Most remarkably that understanding heart embraced people all around the world the ones who were easy to love but those who were difficult he believed in treating enemies with respect rather than vilifying them. So he wrote.
Just friends and brave enemies. He said he said. We should talk to the Viet Cong. He reached his hand to children living in unheated shacks and Appalachian to students protectee protest the US foreign policy in Japan and South America. He broke bread with Cesar Chavez after his month long fast his love impelled him to drive into an inner city when Martin Luther King was killed and say My brother was also killed by a white man and asked that there be love and compassion not revenge. It is hard to dance between anger and love in this world it is unfair and unjust. It's so much easier to fall victim means to anger is righteousness. My father had reason to curse the fates but he resisted that course. He chose a path that found wisdom and pain and in so doing demonstrated that empathy demonstrated empathy for those who hailed from different
nations shows social classes ethnicities or faiths. I think his memory lives because we each yearn for examples of those who go forward in the face of tragedy politics results and compassion and the most important of these is compassion. At the city of Cleveland the day after Martin Luther King was killed he said we must recognize that this short life can neither be ennobled or enriched by hatred or revenge. Our lives on this planet are too short and the work to be done. Too great to let this spirit flourish any longer in our land. Of course we cannot banish it with our program nor with a resolution but we can perhaps remember. Even if only for a time that those who live with us are our brothers and sisters that they share this same short moment of life that they seek as we do nothing but the chance to live out their
lives and purpose and happiness. Winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can surely this bond of common faith this bond of common good can begin to teach us something surely we can learn at least to look at those around us. Fellow man and fellow women surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our hearts country again once again. Thank you for putting Kathleen. Thank you so much for those beautiful moving remarks to start our conference. I'm John Shattuck the CEO of the Kennedy Library Foundation and it's my privilege to introduce the first panel of this historic 40th anniversary conference. Let that go Paul Kirk by saying how honored the Kennedy Library is to host the conference and how wonderful it is to be able to welcome Mrs.
Robert F. Kennedy here amongst us. Phil thank you so much. Our first panel will take us right to the heart of Robert Kennedy's 1968 campaign. What motivated him to run. How was the campaign organized. What was happening in the primary states. How did RFK respond to the mood of the country and out of the country. Respond to him and to answer these questions we have an extraordinary panel of speakers who are with Robert Kennedy in this historic moment and have gone on to make their own marks on history. Let me introduce them starting to the two speakers to my left and coming at the end to John Seigenthaler Gerard Doretti ran Robert Kennedy's campaign in Indiana the first primary state in the campaign. In Robert Kennedy's campaign Gerry is a distinguished member of the Kennedy Library Foundation board of directors. He's a Massachusetts state representative and former chairman of the
Massachusetts Democratic Party who also served as Senator Edward Kennedy a campaign manager in 1962 and Jimmy Carter's New York State presidential campaign director in 1976 and now practices law in Boston. Peter Adelman was it Robert Kennedy's side as his key adviser throughout his Senate career and his presidential campaign. He joined Senator Kennedy's staff after serving as law clerk to Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg. He's the author of searching for America's heart RFK and the Renewal of Hope. He teaches at the George versity School of Law. Rafer Johnson was a close friend and adviser to Robert Kennedy who traveled with him throughout the 19 68 campaign and was with him in Los Angeles the night of the California primary an Olympic decathlon gold medalist in 1960 and the bearer of the Olympic torch in the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics Rafer founded the California Special
Olympics in 1969 and is a member of the international board of Special Olympics Dolores Huerta. I'm sorry Dolores I didn't mean to skip over you co-founded the National Farm Workers Association with Cesar Chavez in 1962 and has dedicated her life to fighting for better working conditions for people all over the country especially farm workers she was a strong supporter of Robert Kennedy and helped him win the California primary. Today she is the president of the Dolores Huerta Foundation which focuses on organizing and leadership training in low income and under-represented communities. Bill Vanden Heuvel was Robert Kennedy's special assistant during his time as attorney general. Later he served as ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva and as deputy U.S. representative to the U.N. in New York. Since 1987 he's been the president of our sister Presidential Library Foundation the Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt Institute. He is the author of another leading book about Robert Kennedy Kennedy and his own
RFK 1964 to 1968. Last but certainly not least the moderator of both of our panels in this conference today is John Seigenthaler. John was a distinguished journalist for the Nashville Tennessee and when he joined Robert Kennedy's staff in the Justice Department in 1961 he was deeply involved in the Kennedy administration civil rights struggles and was sent by Attorney General Robert Kennedy as his special representative to aid the freedom riders and their historic desegregation trip through the Deep South where he was attacked by a mob of Klansmen in Montgomery Alabama and badly beaten. John is one of our nation's foremost journalists and founded the First Amendment Center in 1991 to promote national dialogue and debate. Please join me in welcoming to the stage of the Kennedy Library. Gerard Doretti Peter Edelman Rafer Johnson Dolores Huerta Bill vended and John Seigenthaler
thank you very much. Thank you very much John. What a great honor it is for me and I know for my colleagues to be here today with Ethel dear Ethel and with Kathleen and with all of you who share something whatever your age and share something of the sense of what that campaign that last campaign was about. We come from as you just heard from John different parts of the country. And we met Robert Kennedy and in different ways. And the question is whether we the collective memories can over the next hour help you recapture a sense of the spirit and vitality of that campaign. It was I think for all of us.
And I know for many of you it was a campaign to be remembered not as Paul Kirk said out of a sense of nostalgia but for what it meant to that time and what it can mean for this time. And indeed in political life what it might mean for every time. Hopefully it could mean for every time. And let me just begin with Bill Vanden Heuvel as you've heard he was there in the Justice Department he played a role particularly in working on solutions to tough problems in the area of civil rights and then Robert Kennedy runs for the United States Senate. And Bill a New Yorker is part of that campaign. And Bill I just begin by asking you. What your own thoughts and feelings were you and so many others had invested so much in making certain
that this carpetbagger from Massachusetts by way of Washington could get elected to the United States Senate there in New York and you were active in making a success of that now. Now there is another another risk another step another lead. What's going on your head and your heart as he begins to talk about possible over change. Dear Ethel. Kathleen thank you for the beautiful eloquent statement by your father. John. I think it's important to recall those days of 1964 as it leads to the presidency and the campaign of 68. Robert Kennedy. Was overwhelmed with anguish and grief and sadness the death of the president and struggled to find his own direction for all of us. We looked to him as the one who carried this
faltering lap hopefully to a new plateau and to a new mountain peak where the dreams of John F. Kennedy would be realized and enhanced. And in that period of 1964 as he struggled with what he should do he thought of many things he wrote to President Johnson about being ambassador to Vietnam. He then decided that being vice president might be the best course to proceed. And there was tremendous strength for that possibility in the country Democratic leaders everywhere. But of course the thing that he had to wrestle with in that period of time included one of the most extraordinary deceptive brilliant manipulative politicians of our time Lyndon Johnson. And. By. July it was already July of 1964 when President Johnson. Called into the White House and told them that he would not choose him to be the candidate for vice president. Robert Kennedy had already announced that he was not going to
run for the Senate in New York. So faced with this decision by Johnson he quickly had to figure how to stay in the public life and keep alive the possibility that one day he would ascend to the presidency and believe me at that point people were thinking and he was thinking of 1972 at 19 and that in 1968 he decided to run for the Senate in New York and a key ally was Robert Wagner then mayor. And. At one point Adam Clayton Powell made an announcement that he was going to choose the candidate for president with the bosses in New York and not Robert Wagner. So Barak took a great risk and said I will not run for Senate in New York unless Robert Wagner endorses me and I am his candidate because he realized that of was a very destructive issue in New York politics and could certainly cost him the election. He won that nomination and then began a campaign that as
1968 developed. It had to be reminded of what was happening down these enormous crowds throughout the state. Hundreds of thousands of people every city small villages. One o'clock in the morning in Glen Falls New York four thousand people waiting in the street for Robert Kennedy the candidate to come. Six hours later on a campaign journey. And so those who saw what was developing in 1964 were prepared somewhat for what then happened in 1968. And this also happened. They were so overwhelmed by crowds that the message that he was trying to deliver the message that he wanted to talk about is what government should be and what he wanted to do as a senator was immersed submerged really in the crowds. Well it was a fascinating campaign and a classic campaign in many ways. And we wish i wish there were details from it but my point of it is since we're really talking about the presidency is that Robert Kennedy in my judgment at least did not seriously contemplate
running for the presidency in 1968 until 1967. He was faced with first of all we all think today a Vietnam War and being overwhelmed by it. But when he was elected to the Senate and as much as in 1966 the war in Vietnam was relatively new because on the day of John Kennedy's death we had only 16000 advisers no combat forces in Vietnam and it was Lyndon Johnson who escalated the war in 65 and 66 and made it our war. And so that that developed as an issue but it wasn't the dominant issue when he was elected to the Senate. And it wasn't the dominant issue in 1965 and 66. He became the the principal spokesman who understood what Vietnam and our involvement met as a nation we've heard the talk about his concept of public morality. He was terribly disturbed to see a war
where literally thousands and thousands of innocent Vietnamese would be killed were a country was being destroyed were our old soldiers were being killed. And yet the country was so little involved with it and felt so little responsibility for it. So at 19 this 67 in March she gave a major speech on Vietnam and he was thoroughly identified as the major spokesman on that issue against Johnson at that point at least Johnson thought so. That was true. And then groups including al Lowenstein whom many of you will remember. Came forward and urged him to stand up against chance as the candidate. Now that was one of the most complicated and difficult decisions that could possibly be made because Robert Kennedy understood. That if he stood up stood up against Johnson It looked as though he was calling for the rights of restoration that you had to have someone speak to the cause of
Vietnam where the issue itself was alone and not complicated by the rivalries of Robert Kennedy seeking the presidency that Lyndon Johnson had had. Had to succeed to. But the warfare between Lyndon Johnson and Robert Kennedy was intense was personal. And I think that. Ultimately discourages him from making a decision in 1967 that he should be the candidate in my judgment the decision to run for the presidency he made. In February 1968 and he made it after the Tet Offensive before New Hampshire before the results of New Hampshire were known. He had sent word to Eugene McCarthy that he was going to be a candidate. And regardless what had happened in New Hampshire he had made that decision to run. He saw the war and he saw the lack of interest and concern and the dedication of resources to the problems that the Kerner Commission had reported.
He had lived through what he had seen the racial devastation of divisiveness and he desperately wanted to have his leadership in this country someone who was committed to that. So it came I mean it was maybe the course of this will go through the extraordinarily painful journey that it took to get to making that decision. And he was ambiguous many times. Certainly his heart and soul wanted him to be the spokesman for the cause that he felt so deeply about. But the politics of the occasion I think. Justified his delay. Thanks to Bill. Peter let me move next to you. You're on the Senate staff and in the months decision making that bill opens the door on and and there is a bill ambivalent and there is indecision and there are people like me saying don't do
it. Lyndon Johnson is going to be president. He doesn't like you you don't like him. You don't unseat a sitting president at a convention. Absolute logic. From my point of view not logic from your point of view not logic from the point of view. Jeff Greenfield. Adam Wilensky early on. You're pushing in the other way. Why. And and. And didn't it occur to you that we were right about that. Well first let me say I'm so honored to be here John and to be with Ethel and Kathleen your wonderful remarks. Well yes it occurred to me you were. Quite wrong isn't that what you just asked. No only we couldn't understand that a whole bunch of you. Well you know Robert Kennedy I think had an
let me say just before I get into that just so we recorded a little piece of history here. I was Bill Bennett who was assistant in the 1964 senatorial campaign. It's important to have that on the record. I'm glad I got it back. If I had learned everything that I know from Robert Kennedy I surely would have from Bill very well of course it was a tremendous turbulent time. Everyone in the room. Knows that either from having lived through it or otherwise and that this war that so many millions of Americans oppose so deeply. That was so wrong. And the. Depth of the racial divisions in our country the concerns about poverty many other things. But certainly the question of the need for reconciliation at home and for ending that war.
I've always thought of Robert Kennedy as as being a person who is such a complex man. But at least to. Things. Vying for each other in his mind on the one hand kind of a foot in in regular politics if you will. In the idea that you don't go into something you don't run for office you don't go into something that you don't expect to win or that you might very well not win. And. The. Fact was that if you just thought about it in conventional political terms that was probably. Rather likely. The other part of him increasingly So I think as he was in the
Senate as he was on his own as your book is entitled bill. And as he. Saw and experienced and was connected to these these tremendous divisions in our society was that there was a cause and a cause oriented politics is different. A. Cause oriented politics is you do it simply because it's right. And and he always thought about what was right. But he was somebody who threw out every election that he'd been in with his brother the president and everything else that always worked to win. And I think he also believed that any time that he would starting. When these divisions were there that he would stick his foot into the public water so to speak that it would in some ways make matters worse because the relations with Lyndon Johnson were so
psychologically fraught. That he would fear that Johnson would do something actually worse as a result of the fact that Robert Kennedy had espoused. A position. So you had this struggle going on. And it wasn't just the younger ones against the. Older and wiser ones. I can remember some who had gray in their hair by then who also thought he ought to do it. And. So it was a time of being really torn. Really torn. And he had decided by the time as it turned out by the day of the Tet Offensive. At the end of January 1968 that he was not going to run and he went into the this. Godfrey Sperling breakfast which was a Washington institution. That used to take
place at the old Sheraton Carlton Hotel on 16th and K. Of course there is no there are. No cell phones no and no. Instant messaging coming through. None of that technology. So you iPods iPods. Oh yeah. All those things. You went in there and the door was shot and you didn't know what was going on in the outside world. And during the time of that. Breakfast during which he said to the reporters I will not be a candidate for president under any foreseeable circumstances. The news of the Tet Offensive came across the wires from the other side of the world. And so he walked out. Having said that with with the whole political framework the whole equation having been changed by that attack
of the Vietcong halfway across the world. So for that next period of time over the month of February he was struggling with what to do with much more of an impetus to run much more of a sense of duty that he that he had to do that. But having stuck himself. Inadvertently if you will by making that statement. And so. I think that was a. Very tough time. Now the last thing that I want to say in terms of the end of that. Segment of the history of that story is that on March 10th 1968. Which is in a way not only remarkable historically but remarkable the three of us sitting here were involved in the events of that day. Because he was on his way to be with us say
so Chavez when Ceasar was going to break the fast that he had which Kathleen deeper to. And. So Doris of course was was there and you're in it Goffman. You joined us in Des Moines where we had been at the Jefferson Jackson Day dinner and we got to Los Angeles and I thought What's John doing here. I mean it's always nice to see John but what is he. What's this about. And we got into a. Four seater plane. Enjoying this so now I've got you know kind of a double mystery in my mind. I mean this is an important day certainly for the farm workers and literally for Cesar Chavez his physical health because because the fast had taken a toll we got on that plane and Robert Kennedy turned to the three of us and he said I am going to run for president
two days before the New Hampshire primary. Which was scheduled for March 12th. And so I think it. All. Was. As long as I'm around to say anything. I want to. Share that little piece that little. Insense footnote but that piece of equipment is to history because clearly he had come to that decision. He didn't get up that morning and say I think. Well whenever he called you to ask you to come and say I think I'll run. I'm sure he and Ethel talked about it and talked about it with other people and with his family maybe with children. So as Bill as you said during that month of February 1968 when he came to that decision and I know we can talk more about the campaign as it unfolded. But that's where I would start the conversation. I remember when we walked into the. Place where Caesar was. On his cot
and the first thing Bob said to him was say John how goes the strike. And Cesar Chavez said. Bobby that's not the question. How goes the campaign. And I thought you know there is something to spiritualism after all. Caesar wasn't on that plane but he knew. Yeah. Well let's. Go to Indiana. Here the carpetbagger has been from Massachusetts to Washington to New York. And now you're a doctor you're out there. First of all. What's a wonderful Irish Catholic lad like you doing in Indiana. Head up the Robert Kennedy campaign carious St. Jude the Apostle. The best way to begin is begin. I get a call the following Thursday after Robert Kennedy announced from Edward Kennedy and he was somewhat. Guarded and hesitant and said
Indiana is the first primary you might be able to get into. Would you have anybody who would go to Indiana and look around. And after he sort of. Hemmed in on him. But I said do you want me to go and he said that would be great. So I said we have all this stuff down in Washington. So I got on a plane and flew to Washington and got all this stuff all this stuff turned out to be the names of three people that we had. So I flew to Indiana. And I got there at midnight and I was greeted by three men who made this whole thing possible. A fellow by the name of Michael Reilly tell elevate him a little make a little. Heart. And Guy felt like I by the name of Bill Schreiber and I said well what do we have to do to get on the ballot. And they said they just passed the law. And first of all he has to file 50
500 certified. Signatures in five and a half days. You can't have any more than 500 in one senator and one congressional district. We have 11 congressional districts so you have to get 50 500 signatures in six days. In addition to that what you have to do is you have to get them certified by the county clerk. And we know several of the county clerks particularly the county clerk by the name of Cooper. Who was up in Lake County which was Gary him Hammond he will not certify at all. So I said Well. Do we have a petition. He said no we don't have a petition. I said kinda get a petition for the governor who would have announced he was going to run Roger Branigan and we'll get his petition for him to make sure that all of the words are in the right place. Take his name off the petition and have them printed. Well they
thought that that was a pretty good idea. So we worked all night. The next question is how are we going to get about 10000 signatures in six days. So I get on the phone and I maybe the statue of limitations is now November. We're going to find out what a good boy in Indiana. Being an Irish Catholic. The first thing I did as I called all maybe about 18 Catholic schools. And then I got up in Fort Wayne I really hit it really hit a bone about 9:30 this morning I go at 18 seminary from Fort Wayne. The determination was made to go to the biggest population centers and each one of these districts and then we decided what we'd do is go to the colleges and then about ten o'clock the morning somebody said something about. Crispus Attucks high school. And I can remember Crispus Attucks being killed in. Boston Massacre. So I called up the principal and
I said Robert Kennedy is going to present his petitions next Thursday night. This is late this was Friday morning before and he will have a parade. And we'd like to Crispus Attucks band to lead the parade. Well he thought it was terrific. Except at 2:30 I called in and I said you know I don't know where this is going to happen or what's the problem. I said we have to get some signatures and we don't have anybody. So we ended up getting weak. We had just I must say what I am going to make an aside now I know there are over 30 people in this audience today who. Really should be saluted because they came from Massachusetts and they worked in those days. We didn't have operatives we didn't have tacticians we didn't have. Consultants. All of these people worked as free. I mean they weren't
paid as I wasn't paid. Anyway we got we had a very good Saturday. And the other thing we were doing was we kept sending petitions to buy. By Greyhound and we were doing pretty well. And. Then we ran in no problem in going into Gary. Every petition we sent never arrived and then we later found out. That Roger Branigan was the lawyer who represented grayhound and that's why they didn't arrive. So we ended up calling some people in Chicago and they came down and handle the first district. And anyway to make a launch or a shot by late Sunday night it appeared that we were well on our way to get to 10000. So I called Senator Kennedy Edward Kennedy and he said well why don't you come tomorrow. So I flew to Washington and I got to a meeting and. They were very nice people in the meeting and I
proceeded to say everything's terrific I think we can run and nobody in the room favored going in. They gave me a lot of history. They told me that. The last northern Klu Klux Klan hanging was in Kokomo Indiana. They then told me that John Kennedy had lost Indiana by 200000 votes. They then told me how not one single elected official in the state of Indiana was going to support them. And I kept saying well that might be true. But how somebody who is lacks charisma. Lacks vitality and energy like myself can go and get 10000 signatures in two days. So Also it's rather appropriate. We're in the. STEPHEN SMITH pavilion because he was the only one you know I was sort of a ward of his and he sort of. Mumbled support for me. And then the door opened and Robert Kennedy came and he listened to the argument for about 10 minutes. He said.
Look. If I'm going to run I have to start someplace and if I'm as good as I think I am and if our organization is as good as it's should be will be OK. And if it isn't we should find out early rather than later. So off we were and we then proceeded to go to work at it. And I can tell you something anecdotally going to the very end after we had beaten the governor. I said to Steve Smith you know all the people in the world. Said. Why did you send me anything you had on those top notch people in that room. They said well they're very smart. I said yes. He said they all were privy to a poll which show that Robert Kennedy would lose to Roger Branigan by 17 points. That's why you want so.
You know one of the other things I have to tell you in addition to the staffing in the area we were one of my jobs was to send people to various places and you know it sometimes is the memory makes you. More important today than you were then. And I think I was you know to walk on water but one person who is here today had the best record of anybody during that whole campaign. It was former Judge David Harrison. Not only did he win one state for Robert Kennedy he won the state of North Dakota and South Dakota. And let me tell you a sort of a funny story with the song. Turn the microphone back. When I first went in the legislature My mother had died when I was very young. But she's a great Know thing. And my father who would go to third grade in school was lecturing me about my duties in the legislature. They taught me well just from the way you came from. Never vote to fire anybody. If the mothers beat Athena.
So I was I was to be known and I worked very hard for it. And now we come fast forward to the campaign. Nice to talk to David Harrison every day and I said How has it gone so loud. It's going pretty well. Boy these Kennedys get you have more of Chinese fire drill should do when you keep people like people. And he says I finally figured out how to. Work it out. But he says I hate you. I said Well what. How did you work it out. He says I had on the Indian reservations Vino's I had all the people like that. So there I was with you know and he's he always voted against Beenham. So what's that. I let some of the people you know. It's it's it's so interesting when you think back. Listening to the three of you speak. Just anecdotes flare and then we can spend the day reminiscing about important times and times
interspersed with great moments of humor. And great moments of frustration. And. I never had any sense that. He could win Indiana. All right take it away from McCarthy much less. Beat Branigin in his own home state. On a political matter. It's hometown his hometown and is as you. As you tell that story about how people flocked to him. I turned to Rafer and. What was what was the magnet for you Rafer that. That pulled you into this into this political. Campaign. Not a background. Deeply immersed in presidential politics. What was it about about this politician this honorable politician. That reached out and read all of you.
I'm very pleased to be you this morning with Kathleen in Athens and I I think I saw. In. Robert Kennedy I knew nothing about all of this that was going on behind the scenes and establishing. What was to happen down the line in those early days. But I think I made it somewhat simple. As Kathleen said in her remarks when you look at a person and you look at Robert Kennedy you your love for him comes. In a direct way in terms of. What he's doing and what you're doing. And I was in athletics and sports and I thought Robert Kennedy was the best athlete among all of the. Night. I felt especially thoughtful when Kathleen mentioned that her dad said you know if you can touch it you can catch it. Now you know being an athlete you know I just
won a gold medal. And when Robert Kennedy said go out I mean I knew I had to get catch it. There was no way that I could miss missed the ball but I thought well you know I. Didn't ask you sikat said you know I ran track and this is football. But I knew that that was not going to work but you know I I have the. Honor of getting to know Robert Kennedy in the very late 50s and again knew very little about the internal workings of all the things that he was involved in. As a politician. But but the one thing that I that I did really. Hold onto. Very. Very profoundly was the fact that he had this of mine of. Of. Being the best that he can be and whatever he did you knew that he was going to be in terms of sports. One of the best on the on the field and.
You know honestly what he chose his team you kind of wanted to be on his team as well because it was probably going to end up as a victory that day. But Robert Kennedy. Had a great passion. For not only being the best that he could be but. Working. With the focus in the interest of having all of us wherever we came from. Whatever walk of life profession he wanted all of us to be the best that we could be and all make make our best and greatest contribution. So that of course pulled me to Robert Kennedy. And getting to know him in the in the late 50s. And I also made a commitment only to myself I never said this to Robert Kennedy until 1968 I decided that if Robert Kennedy living might with my living in California that if Robert Kennedy ever ran for political office that I would support him and support
him. And. I'd be at his side. I made that commitment in 19 in 1959 and won. So I was around him for a number of years before he decided to run and when he decided to run I had just gotten the best job that I could possibly have in my life. I was. Named sports commentator for NBC NBC in Los Angeles. And and when Robert Kennedy announced I knew exactly what I had to do. And. Then I proceeded to to help him as it turned out. You know NBC thought that I was probably taking a little too much time campaigning and not enough time my sports and they said take me off the air. Which also. Was one thing that made it easier for me than to do what I committed myself to doing all those years ago. So I was I was overjoyed. That
that decision was made in 1968 and pleased with this opportunity of. Work of Robert Kennedy. Now. Again I didn't know all the. The. Reasons that that decision was made. We've heard some this morning will read about him as history has gone by here. But if it came to life with me early on in that campaign why. I was so pleased with the decision I made to try. To. Work. With Robert Kennedy. And be a part. Of. Such a glorious time and some glorious days. And I think back on one incident it took. Time to do that here. We were an opening in the night and. It was it had been a long tough day and we ended up in a. Spin in the evening. Now the senator speaking to a group of people that
included several members of the of the. Black Panther Party and they were very very hard on the senator. But. He as he always did. He said the very same thing no matter where he went we could be in Beverly Hills. We could be in any of the individual states. It could be. A group of. Individuals that included no people of color. Or could be a form of color. And Robert Kennedy always spoke. To the importance that each of us being the best that we could be and reach the people in the room making the greatest contribution they can make what through this whole process that got very heated. He answered all the questions and when they were finished I was over in a corner with a couple of the. Men who were in the Panther Party and they were and quizzing me on how wide this black meant to support this white man and I simply said to them that he was the best that
he would serve America that we would all be proud that he could serve America. That that. Kennedy gets over America and as a president he served the same way while I was having this conversation. Everybody laughed. They got in their car boom. And I'm alone in this building with all these people. That. Had been spoken to early in the evening when. To make a long story short I think they remembered about halfway across the Golden Gate Bridge that Rafer wasn't here and they sent a car back from. I think John was in that car to be sure that I got that way over that bridge and Bob said. Rafer. And we were packed into this car and there's no answer. And he said Where the hell is Raiford. And when we got back. To the church in Oakland. He was in front. Sitting down. And he had. Crowded children. Around them. It was a great moment.
It was a great moment. You were never forgotten. And even John was the next day when we went back to the same area for parade to the community with. With Robert. Several those individuals who had. Given. Robert the most. Intense questioning the evening before walked along side of the car protecting that. So. It indicates again how powerful and. How willing. The people around this country particularly California because that's where it was that time was going to reach out and grab him and not let go. Dolores if there was a cause that was close to his heart it was because of that strike was the cause. Of. Those farm workers. Lives.
Literally on the line from town. Certainly do. That will be. Read on the. Table. And I. And. I remember. Hearing that you conducted. Which I my guess is that you. Had something to do with setting that. Hearing. But. During the course of it the sheriff. I think of our county maybe. Yeah. He keep he. Bob ask him why he abuse the citizens he said well they were going to cause trouble. They were going to. They're going to hurt people they're going to do violence said Well how did you know that. So what we just know Bob said. So you were arrested. You said. Yes I'm going to do violence. Bob said Mr. Sherman during a break.
Could we arrange for the sheriff to read the Constitution the United States. But the last. I'm. From. New England to Indiana. To California. His ability to capture. All sorts of people. And. To fight. For the cause of people. Poor and powerless. Nowhere did it manifest that fear manifested itself more than. In California. Talk about that. Of all I just wanted to say that I want to thank all of you. At all Kathleen the Kennedy Foundation and all of you that have worked hard to keep a rabbit's legacy alive because and the difference. Let me say this is a person who has always worked with poor people and immigrants and undocumented cetera. That in one sense but the Kennedy family it comes from something that happened to me when I was just getting involved when I was in the early 80s
and the teenage boy went to the home of his congressman from someone King County. And when my mother and I got there we had been invited to Camp luncheon there. They said well you have to come in to the back door because they thought we were the maids. And after meeting the Kennedy family I just want to say to this day that the Kennedys bring them to the front door. You can. Never do the back. End the thing is that when you think of people who are in political power and in political office and people I think that are fluent. Maybe who's in office doesn't really affect them that much. But when you are poor with working the working poor or the homeless or even in the middle class I think that in today's world who is in office really affects your life. You know it just in so many ways and I can give 100 examples what you want to do right now.
And this is because I think white people love them when John Kennedy was president. Among the among the folks that we worked with. The plumber because. They always said he's the Mexican president. You know this is John Kennedy he's the Mexican president and of course a lot of that. Then was also attributed to Robert and his relationship with the union had actually gone back a few years back when he was campaigning for JFK in California. And. He had to come to California to do fundraisers for markets and Delaney did not have a clinic a 24 hour clinic. And so he helped to raise money so that we could establish a clinic for volunteer doctors but would be open 24 hours for the farmer because in that area. And after that momentous day of that hearing when. The Senate committee came to delay no. And. Had that hearing in where he instructed of course that should read the Constitution after so many of us have been arrested which
sparked out the picket line and they would pick a sudden put us in jail. For nothing. The next day after that we had a march and it was interesting because it started on St. Patrick's Day. It started we started that march and this is in 1966. Now we're going way back and the police tried to stop the march when they all got up in front of the march and he tried. Which was ridiculous right. And of course Robert was there and spoke to the police and they let us keep on marching. So you know it's a bomb. It was very very personal. I came out to the boycott hit the eastern boycott 1968 in the first day. Oh we had all these farm workers that come across country on a bus on a school bus without any heat. By the way and we got into New York and a bunch of the Pabra because we went up to point post-market and they got arrested. They all got arrested. All. 40 of them. And so what do we do now. So we picked up the phone and called the senator's office. We get all these people gets arrested and of course right away he sent his attorneys down there. To get them in
on so they can get released and and not be charged with trespassing or whatever it was that we were being charged with. So he was very helpful. So when Cesar started that Baston they said we have to get the Senate to come out here and so they stopped him every where he went in New York. So I could probably you know tell him what what we wanted him to do to come out here and to be with Cesar when he ended that fast and of course that was a rather glorious moment. That's hard to say. When he when he when he when he spoke and I know Kathleen I heard Kathleen give that speech that he that he gave. But the one thing that was so important to the work is that he included in that speech. Could he talk about Caesar's great sacrifice his great security. Hey you know it's on 25 days without any food just water and the Holy Communion. But the one thing that I remembered because I was there translating the speech of the senator when he said to the workers. You will some day remember that you were here was so sad. That you sacrificed with him
that you stood with him and saying this to work is with. This time we've been on strike you know for three years. A long strike. And you know at some point people start losing hope and sees it was doing that by the best of nonviolence so that the workers wouldn't get desperate and turned to violence that those words were. He just lifted everyone. Up when he got there by the wall in the center by one of our organizers had this bright idea you know could we have thousands of people in this park. He said global just going to have all the workers lined up with their lives. And the senator and the board members will walk you know between these flying casino and escort the senator to where he is at. Are you kidding. We had we got crushed it and you know people just came in immediately to just try to touch you and it was a very scary moment actually for us at that moment because it was like hey no know get back get back. And people were just touching him. I mean it was just just just an incredible moment. Well after he gave the school going
after Seso didn't he wrote the best. You know. And as he was starting to leave then again the work is just crowded around him. And I believe me hop on the corner and he's in the work is we're all yelling Kennedy for President Kennedy for president. I mean we just that one chant over and over and over again. And so the work is to this day think that they're the ones that got going to run for president again to this day they really believe that then of course. And I have to add this to the something that people don't know. But. You know. I think that 25:8 that's the only respite I think about maybe a week or so and right away we got the news of McCarthy Eugene McCarthy had won the election in Oregon the senator announced. We had to get busy for the campaign. So we were all given our assignments and I was so happy because I was going to be writing with the senator on the train. Through California. Wow. That changed really quick because immediately as he said I'm going to go down to Angeles to start the campaign down
there. I want you to go to the. You know to the state of California and start setting up committees. You know every place we would call at a time would get people together and start telling them it was important for them to get involved in the campaign. And then I ended up in Los Angeles with the rest of the organizers. And what we did there and it was just. You know I tell other politicians just but they can. And then I think that one thing about. Both. Sets. And Bobby Kennedy is that their faith was so strong. And I kind of beat up talking about faith in people. Just faith in people that people will respond. People will get out there you know. So what we did to set up that campaign in Los Angeles. Because we had you know a few weeks to set up the campaign. For the primary. So what we would do is we would get our precincts and then we would go knock on doors until we found somebody who was willing to be a precinct captain. Then we would leave them all the material and then we would jump to the next precinct. And so we had all these farm work and come down to Los Angeles. They were
sleeping on floors and you know going out every single day and we worked Battistelli and South-Central we work both areas. And but but by doing this and in getting people just to volunteer that they would all take over and I'll make sure that we get people you know in our precinct let them know about the election. We were able to set up anywhere from you know five to 10 cents a day. And so this is why we were able to accomplish this task in a very short period of time. And the thing is that there was so much enthusiasm. It wasn't like you had to convince people to go. Robert Kennedy one of his cousins Emanuel County. Had a great thing going and what he would do is he would have pictures of Robert. And then when the person agreed to be the precinct captain he would take their picture you know take their picture with a picture of Robert Kennedy in their hands. And. So. They were officially sworn in to be the precinct. But it was just wonderful because people were so dizzy as they go I mean it's
just something that I guess it's a very very rare thing rare thing to see in today's world. But of course it was just an incredible campaign. And this is it. It's not to say that people don't know is that after that campaign season was bedridden for a whole year. He his whole body went into break's crusading crabs the rest of us went out and we did a great boycott finished. Just a boycott and really thought that he was going to be you know sick for life. And again it was a phone call and I was on the boycott I went back to California in February of 69 as he was still bedridden and running the union from a bed he couldn't get out. And so the nurse that was with the nurses that was there picking McGivern and said well we have to do something that we call Ted Kennedy we call Ted Kennedy and Senator Kennedy sent out his doctor to look at CO2 and to get he's on his feet. So again that spiritual
connection is still there. And so very very strong. I. Spoke about Bob's straight talk. Tell it just where it is and I have to tell you just the way it is I was supposed to have. Said I'm going to have questions written questions from the audience. That was my instruction. When I came up here. And. In the interest of talking straight I just forgot. I don't know if Amy has on our own collected questions. And if you want to bring them to me I'll. Just say a word. Sure. I think I just wanted to confirm or. It should also be used in the course of this campaign it should be clear there was a tremendous amount of passion and not all of it was love. It was just a tremendous amount of anger against Robert Kennedy's candidacy. Eugene McCarthy had stood up as in response to groups asking to
have an anti-Vietnam Kennedy. November 30th when he announced that he was going to be Ted Kennedy. He said I expect Robert Kennedy to carry the banner to the convention. So the expectation he never seriously had an expectation that he would be the Democratic candidate that he would emerge from the 1968 convention. But then came New Hampshire. And although he didn't win the New Hampshire primary I think he had 42 percent of the vote. It was widely interpreted as a victory. And it changed the dynamics of the whole situation. Robert Kennedy had made his decision to run. But the New Hampshire primary made it appear as though he had decided to run because now we saw that volatile John Johnson much vulnerable. One instance was we had dinner at The Hill the night before Romney's announcement on the 16th of March. And we wanted to do everything possible to make sure that McCarthey people knew that we had a common enemy here and that we had to work together to accomplish something.
So it was decided. Senator Ted Kennedy would go to Greenville and meet with recursive and so on the night of March 15th. Ted Kennedy with Dick Goodwin and Blair Clark flew out to Green Bay and met with Eugene McCarthy of the depths of the night and Abigail McCarthy's the senator's wife was in the meeting. Jim McCarthy did not take to it very favorably or nicely to be woken up in the middle of the night for a conversation that he thought was totally unnecessary about how he was going to cooperate with Robert Kennedy. So Barbara had asked me to stay up during the night in the library and he agreed to wait for Teddy's return so that we knew what the message will. Never forget. Senator Edward Kennedy barking in the house at about 4 o'clock in the morning in answer to what happened. Abigail said no and there was one other dramatic event that should be recounted that was March 30 1st which changed the entire nature of the campaign when Lyndon Johnson.
Stunning the nation and now said he would not be a candidate for re-election. And so the force that had united the opposition suddenly disappeared. You had Eugene McCarthy running as a proponent of the Vietnam anti-Vietnam and Johnson. People recognize that only Robert Kennedy could have defeated him suddenly removed himself from the race. And then you had Hubert Humphrey coming in as another candidate in the context of all of that. That made a major difference in the tone and the direction of the campaign and I must say having been there on March 1st that we had to all listen to this Robert Kennedy think a loanable all of us understood it not only the drama but the importance of what did happen. And that his effort in his campaign would be more difficult not easier. People read the Johnson announcements here. Well it's all over. Obviously the Kennedy he knew immediately that it was now a much tougher race that he had to pursue and the race to attempt to force.
The election list went public. So through some clever shenanigans we found. A janitor in the statehouse who. Allow us to steal the election lists. But it was very difficult going then. Then. I had a meeting with this fellow one of the fellows who was in the audience and I met with this fellow. Late at night. It must be easy for us to make this in front of him and he said what are you guys drinking. And I said. Coke. My friend said a coke. He said Well. Do you think we should dance now. So anyway he proceeded to tell me and really up to this point you know something. You know. We were sort of going along pretty well. And he said you know they were fast precincts. And they are a slow process. I said fast precincts
and slow precincts What's the passports. He said well because it's an agricultural. State. They open up at 6 o'clock in the morning. And if there is a thousand votes listed in the precinct. That. By quarter a 7. 800 people voting. But I say what how to how did they get so many people out. He said That's what's known as a fast precinct. So you'll have to do it so we have five people to go and stand on that and just count them from the fast precinct and then we ask them about the slow precincts. And they say well the slow precincts are. Primarily in the minority. And what they do. Is they hire all these Pinkerton guards. And they give them. Photographic equipment. These big cameras. And as people line up. The guards take pictures and everybody runs away.
And so what do they do with the pictures he said. Not very bright. There's no film on the camera. But. Anyway. Notwithstanding all that it was a great tribute to those people that. He. Worked. In Massachusetts who just did about everything possible. You know some of them continue their interest. We have some active directors here at the foundation on down here. Chuck delay was was in that time was in Chicago. He was very very helpful. Bob Fitzgerald so that they've continued. Their interest here in the. Foundation. What. Kinds of things the. President. Did. I do have some. Questions from the audience and I'm not sure that. I know there are some that I can answer. I heard that I've had RFK gotten the nomination his first choice. For vice president was Fritz Hollings in South Carolina. True to that. And what went into the decision. I. Never.
Heard that. He liked Fritz ourselves but we don't. That's right. We don't. Yeah I. Recently. Southern boys RIZZOLO. Recently commentators pundits and pundits have. Been comparing Senator Obama's campaign for president to Senator Kennedy's 1968 campaign. One detail that we have to look back to 68. Find candidates. Anyway. It is it is a question that. Asks us. To make comparisons between that time and Bob's candidacy and. The Obama campaign loves to do it. I think it's. The capacity.
And does it. Well I don't confess and I would make is that. As was mentioned earlier is that. Blabbered can in the past was not kind to Robert Kennedy. They were really criticizing him left and right for even running because he was saying as we said earlier that the only reason he was running is he saw the McCarthy planning effort that he could win. And they called him an opportunist and oh my gosh all of the things that they did they. Did the level. So I would say that the part of the Kennedy camp with two parts of the Kerry campaign. And that is I've been involved now with the Hillary campaign is that there is an incredible amount of enthusiasm. For Hillary. That the press is plummeting her. The way they did that they did Senator Kennedy believe that they are criticizing and saying so many negative things about her base similar to the way that they criticize Senator Kennedy in 60. And this is your question. I might just say to her she would let you hear most today from 68. Are the discussions of the war and Robert Kennedy over and over said. This is a war we should not be in. This is a war where there is no
military solution. That we must find a negotiated settlement offered and spelled out. Time and time again that aspect of it and that you will hear in this campaign I think resoundingly. If you could I would I would only say really. To. Add to what Bill said. I don't think we've had a time since then. When our country. Had lived through such a terrible period. Lyndon Johnson did some wonderful things to this along with Abraham Lincoln the greatest president for civil rights in our history. But but the war in Vietnam was horrible. The civil unrest in the United States. The federal government had not responded. And so. This is a very perilous time during which we now have two candidates for the presidency who are exciting Americans and especially young people in a way we haven't seen since that time and so the coming
together really of the seriousness of the problems and the newly kindled the enthusiasm of so many people especially young people is very very perilous. Can you elaborate on the relationship between Robert Kennedy and James Hoover. Did who we trust. You could bet your question Jack. Did he ever try to prevent Robert Kennedy from becoming president. They were not friends. I would say that during the first three months. Robert Kennedy was in the Justice Department. There were efforts made by. Mr. HOOVER. To ingratiate themselves to the attorney general. But there were two problems early on.
I think Robert Kennedy's commitment to. Civil rights and his commitment to the war took to crime in this country. Both ran afoul of Mr. Hoover's vision of where the FBI should be first of all it's hard for you to understand that. 1961 when Robert Kennedy became attorney general. J Edgar who was stated and affirmed and sworn position was that there was no crime syndicate in this country. He denied. That there was a mafia. And it was only after. Members of mafia a main man named Joseph Laci came forward and spelled out the details of Cosa Nostra. Mr. Hoover arranged with some. Members of Congress who were his friends to rush over and. Have a hearing at which she asked for more funding to fight organized crime. And you know went
back on his denial. That. Organized crime existed but he knew it was about to become a national. Story in a national reality. And the second thing is that he. As time went on it became quite mean spirited. And. And it made it very difficult for many Paul Evans who was the liaison the FBI director. And a friend Robert Kennedy would very difficult for him to function in that way because. Well Mr. Hoover just was not with it. This is a very brief anecdote and. I think it tells the story as well as anything could. Soon after we were in the Justice Department each Wednesday afternoon Robert Kennedy would visit one of the divisions. And he would begin just by
walking into a lawyer's office. The idea was to. Let lawyers know that he was interested in their work. And to inspire them with his sense of interest in their work. And so. We began at the office most distant from the assistant attorney general. And we'd be three or four officers and before we'd meet Bill Harker. Jack Miller somebody and one day Robert Kennedy said to me I want you to do a poll. Of all the divisions. There are no negroes working here in professional positions. And I want to know I haven't seen. A person of color. And I want to know. And so I sent the memo out. Would you please and. Their attorneys began coming in division 0 0 0 0 or Finally the Civil Rights Division reported to African-Americans work in the Civil Rights Division.
Everyone I interviewed including the Bureau of Prisons and special staff and Immigration and Naturalization. But we've gotten nothing from the FBI and so finally. I saw a memo of second memo down and the response. Came back Mr. Hoover said to tell you it's a violation of federal law to ask anyone about. Their ethnic background. And so I called his assistant and said you know I've got all these returns from the law violators. Well the assistant attorney general and some of them just went out and looked. And if you would tell. Me. You could tell. And I meant it to be a needle in it. He called that afternoon on the phone and said well I'm astounded to know that. This has gone this far. I didn't know that I could do this but I'll get you something this afternoon. And sure enough he had.
Two African-Americans who were GSC teams and. Veteran. Attorney there who was administrative assistant in charge of management. Himself Solyndra came in and. He. Said you still haven't got anything from Hoover have you. He knew I was when I said yes. I got the memo today. Here it is. Two of them. And he looked at them began to laugh. They said they're not FBI agents there's two chauffeurs. And they were indeed just to show. That he still has that sort of deception not occasional. That. Meant that the two of them really couldn't get along. And. I want to ask you to join me in thanking this excellent
Collection
John F. Kennedy Library Foundation
Series
WGBH Forum Network
Episode
Robert Kennedy and the 1968 Campaign
Contributing Organization
WGBH (Boston, Massachusetts)
AAPB ID
cpb-aacip/15-513tt4fq87
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Description
Episode Description
March 16, 2008 marks the 40th anniversary of Robert F. Kennedy's announcement to run for President of the United States. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, Peter Edelman, Dolores Huerta, Rafer Johnson, Gerard Doherty, William vanden Heuvel, Haynes Johnson, Jules Witcover, Elaine Jones, Michael Sandel, and John Seigenthaler share memories of the campaign and reflect on the legacy of RFK. Senator Edward M. Kennedy delivers the closing remarks.
Series Description
The Forum Network is a public media service of WGBH that collects video and audio lectures from the world's foremost scholars, authors, artists, scientists, policymakers, and community leaders. WGBH makes them available online for free, encouraging deeper public understanding and civic engagement around the vital issues of our time.
Created Date
2008-03-16
Genres
Event Coverage
Topics
Politics and Government
Subjects
History; Politics
Media type
Moving Image
Duration
01:39:15
Embed Code
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Credits
Distributor: WGBH
Guest: Townsend, Kathleen Kennedy
Guest: Edelman, Peter
Guest: Huerta, Dolores
Guest: Johnson, Rafer
Guest: Doherty, Gerard
AAPB Contributor Holdings
WGBH
Identifier: 64b2ee7bcaf34ff7414f872d9ee71804eb0c673f (ArtesiaDAM UOI_ID)
Format: video/quicktime
Duration: 00:00:00
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Citations
Chicago: “John F. Kennedy Library Foundation; WGBH Forum Network; Robert Kennedy and the 1968 Campaign,” 2008-03-16, WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed March 28, 2024, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-513tt4fq87.
MLA: “John F. Kennedy Library Foundation; WGBH Forum Network; Robert Kennedy and the 1968 Campaign.” 2008-03-16. WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. March 28, 2024. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-513tt4fq87>.
APA: John F. Kennedy Library Foundation; WGBH Forum Network; Robert Kennedy and the 1968 Campaign. Boston, MA: WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-513tt4fq87