The Speaker From Texas; Jim Wright Larry King 1 2 District Office ABC Crew

25 Best grandma I can pass. I try to correct the odd child every chance I get. So then you hung on, you said how long ago was it when you finally made up with anything or got your own mind. Honestly, I left in May of 62. I guess probably about 64 it in the last two long. Maybe early 65 I got to hold on the drinking for a while and then I got remade and sort of settled down my life and personal life was no longer in chaos. I guess it was about three years.

I didn't see very much of it. Judging more harshly than I should because I say I was judging everybody harshly than if they didn't do just what I wanted. Okay, let's start. You came up back in 62 after your after J.T. Rutherford was defeated and went to work for Congressman Wright. What kind of what kind of guy did you find and moved into his office? It was kind of funny. I found a fellow that was different than the one I thought I knew. That's not uncommon really but I knew Jim socially, you know, it seemed around the hill and the parties and we were friends. When I worked for Rutherford, I kind of was a one man office, you know, in a certain sense. I was an AA in the fundraiser and the speechwriter and ran the office a little bit. And Rutherford was a man who gave up greatly more control, you know, to subordinate. Then Jim turned out to be. Jim held everything pretty closely and also at his office kind of compartmentalized.

You know, one person in charge of the correspondence and one person helping him with his speeches and his press relations and one person running the office and holding. And I went over there thinking, well, Jim and I are old buddies and I'll just kind of step right in here and take over everything in his office like I did in Rutherford. And it turns out that Jim wants to have more control, you know, of what's going on, which is understandable. Well, he was the guy that, you know, the public's going to judge, you know, that. So he didn't delegate a whole lot. And I found myself very unhappy. And I would trust that him a lot about, you know, you heard me come over here and run this place. Why don't you let me run it? And he would say, well, you know, get a little red in the face to him and get a little high temperate now. And say, well, now who did the people from Fort Worth elect? They didn't elect you, they elected me. So we sort of had a lot of adjusting to do with each other. He had also seen me at my social best, but he'd never known that I was sort of hitman in an office. And so we each had a lot of, a lot of adjusting to do. And it was not a real happy union to tell you the truth at the time.

I also, as I said before, and not too proud of, but I was drinking a lot and I had, you know, my family life broke up. And I look back now wondering why he just didn't flatten out me in the head. You know, he suffered and tolerated me about 18 months or whatever. How did you deal with your drinking and your family problems? Was he aware of all that? Yeah, he was aware of that. My then wife was running to him and calling his wife and carrying on about me. And I can look back now and realize that had I been to him, right? I wouldn't have put up with me, but about 30 minutes, you know. And he suffered me. And then after I left, of course, I was mad at him. I was mad at everybody in the world at that time. And I had the eyes of him pretty harshly and said and wrote some pretty other things about him. I don't think pleading at all is it, you know, that's quite natural. But then after two or three years, I kind of straightened out my head back on straight and realized he's pretty good fellow. Well, did he, how did he take you right back? I mean, as a friend when you came up with an olive branch?

Well, sort of. There were a couple three intermediaries, really, you know, close friends of him and friends of mine, Duncan, Art and Craggrove. Some other fellows who came and said, you know, Jim writes pretty good man. And you've been straight and young to do that. And there came a poem when I realized I was true. And so I apologize. I guess man left to do that and he was mad enough to accept it. I said, we've been, we've got a long way to go. Back in 73, sometime later, after you were friends again, and knew him pretty well. You told the Ralph Nader Congress project that you thought that Wright was somewhat different than his public image still. He said, he felt like, I think your quote was, he was too pushy and think because of himself as another Sam Rayburn. Did I say that? Well, maybe it was a drunken day. I don't remember thing. I didn't think I, I'm not saying I didn't say the problem. I think Jim's always been ambitious, but as I said also, so my mom was taught us to be. I don't see anything wrong with that.

I think the pushy thing probably comes from the fact that I believe what I said then and what I've said since. Jim, when he first came to Congress, he was very ambitious. He didn't want to stay in the house for everyone to be a senator. And there was sort of an unwritten rule that if you're going into another member's district from Texas, you would sort of check it with him and see if it was okay and maybe brag on that member when you were in his district. And I don't know if Jim thought a lot about that or what, but he didn't observe that rule in a while. And so he kind of got a reputation at that time of being kind of pushy. And I know that several of the members kind of got a little irritated with him. He's going to campaign for something. Yeah. And so what he was doing, he would accept speeches, you know, all over Texas and go make them.

And there was nothing wrong with that except he just didn't kind of observe the protocol. You know, the Congress especially back in those days really put a lot of stop in protocol. Like, you know, the freshman members sort of be seen and not heard and this and that. So I think he did get kind of a reputation of being pushy. And later I believe he realized what he was doing and he began to settle down. It's kind of ironic that I charged him with wanting to be the next Sam Raven because it looks like he's going to be done. He also said during that time, which was that when your quotes and that thing was that he's not the angry young man. I knew 18 years ago, I think referring to the fact that he milled out a little bit. Well, I think that's true. And he's even, he's married even since he Africa Congress. He wasn't even the young man he'd been right after World War II. I remember when he went in the Texas House right after World War II, he was one of the leading members of the legislature that tried to get through a tax on gasoline and all companies, which just wasn't done in Texas in those days. I think that Jim later learned that hey, maybe that is not the smart thing to do one for me politically and two not the thing to do before my district and certainly for my state.

And he became, as I think we all do with age let's say, you know, bomb throwing liberal. And I believe that the common irony there, Jim, I mean, Linda Johnson used to say, I get awful tired of being called a communist in Texas and a southern bourbon in Washington. And Jim sort of had to walk that line too, you know, there's still a certain amount of people in the liberal wing of the House, the Democratic Party. Who will tell you the well, Jim, right? They wonder if he's liberal enough, you know, to be speaker. And there's certain number of people, I'm sure, in his Fort Worth area, who would say to him that he's too liberal. You know, that's the way they always run against him down there, Bradshaw and Eddie Chow, and all those people around against Jim as if, you know, he's a part of the Politburo in Moscow. And up here then there's the reservation among some of the liberals that he's too far to the right.

And so he really has had the same problem as Linda had of trying to balance those two things. Truth is, he's not either one of them. He's not a far out leftist and he's not a far out rightist. What kind of sort of thing? You've known him personally for an awful long time. And there's a lot of people who have lots of different views about what kind of speaker he's going to be, what he's going to be a technician. Some people have called him a snake oil salesman, so he just makes deals and that kind of stuff. And what do you think kind of speaker he's going to be both in terms of effectiveness and in terms of having his own philosophy effect, what comes out of the legislature or the Congress? I think it would be a strong speaker. There were certain reservations, again, among sort of the leftist in Congress, where they'd make a good majority there. I think he kind of surprised people there. I think an excellent majority leader and Tip O'Neill handed him the medal and publicly endorsed him and went to great things to do that. I think Jim, well, there's several things about Jim, why I think he'll make a good speaker. One, he wants to do good.

It is in his instinct to believe that government is or ought to be in effect for good, for helping people. I think he'll do it for that reason. I think another reason that he has sent history, he doesn't want to, the history books say he wasn't a good, strong speaker. And the third thing is he accepts challenge and I think he's been pretty much challenged by that certain maybe 20, 25% of the Democratic left in Congress that has been skeptical about him and perhaps remain skeptical. And I think he'd like to show them. So for all those reasons, I think you're probably pretty strong horse. So you're going to put his stamp on his philosophical stamp on Congress. Do the extent that you can, I imagine, well, I don't know how much you can do that anymore. You know, the balkenization of politics, the breaking up of politics and what used to be natural allies in the House is just not simply there anymore. It used to be, you know, that no matter your state, you had certain party discipline, things expected of you, everybody, not so much in Texas and in the South.

There, people have always pretty much run their own show. But in the West to some extent, and certainly in the North and East, people were beholden to party leaders and, you know, back in their districts and in the House and the organization itself. That's not true anymore. People run their own campaigns, how their own phone banks get their own TV, get their own direct mail people, get their own campaign managers and the whole thing. They don't really have to hue to the line, either back in their districts as much as they used to to an organization and certainly not in Congress. I think that in the last 10 or 12 years, Tip O'Neill and the speaker too before him, Carl Albert, had a certain amount of trouble of, you know, they don't have as much power to exercise as a Sam Rayburn once had. And I think Jim will have that problem too. You're simply are not going to be able to philosophically, philosophically shape legislation and the House of Representatives as once you could.

I want to go back just a little bit on. Okay, this way. All right. Back, we were talking a little bit earlier. I don't think I don't take about the time he wanted to be in the Senate. He was pretty, pretty impatient. Well, yes, he came so close in that special election in 1961 when John Tower was elected to replace Lyndon Johnson. Jim got in that race and you'll remember that it was the top two men, regardless of party, went into the runoff. John Tower was the only Republican who ran. The Republicans were smart and just ran one person, Democrats ran. I don't remember how many 20 or 30. Jim missed being the number two man in that race and getting into the runoff by about 3000 votes. Then Bill Blakely, who got the Democratic or who was the runner up and was defeated by towering the runoff.

Jim always felt that had he gotten that in the runoff here the one and I think that's true. So he was unhappy. Here he was, a young fellow in 1961. He came very close to getting to the United States Senate. And it looked like a long haul in the House. You know, you can set in there 25, 30 years and nobody will know you but the people back home. You don't have as much power for a long time here just to kind of a garden variety congressman. And Jim was sort of an impatient fellow and I don't think he was willing to do that. So he wanted to run again a couple of times and decided he couldn't raise the money. You remember he went on a TV. I've forgotten the year now. And told the people if they had raised enough money for him on this appeal that he made, then he'd run. But he didn't get enough money for that. So he withdrew. But he went through a period then for several years, four, five, six years, maybe in which he decided maybe he'd go teach and do some writing. Excuse me. Maybe he would even become a minister, you know, his late minister and president being church.

Several people came to me and asked me what I thought about it. I even talked to Jim about a time and two. And I told him I didn't think he ought to go that way and stay in the house and see what happened. The kind of fellow that impatient or not, he probably could have more influence and maybe do more good. And after I've seen there's any good preaching or writing or teaching. That's a writer. I know that we don't have a much influence anyway. So I don't know what year exactly it was that he began to settle down and go for the long haul in the house. Excuse me. Damn. Well, you don't have to cut that part out, aren't we? We made sure of that now. It's just one last thing. If you have any favorite gem right stories, you might tell us a little bit of something about the guy. I think one of my favorites is told by his long-time assistant Craig Roth.

And this was some years ago in 1950. And Jim at that time's district had not only Fort Worth, you know, but weather-ferred in Godly and Nemo and all kinds of little towns and counties around their hoods, some of them. And the public can be very demanding. No matter how much politician says he loves the people, it comes time when the people are writing nuts. And Jim had such a day once when he was out making little speech after the two little towns of Godly and Nemo made the speech in each town. And he was trying to talk about some peace plan that he was interested in and world peace. And this was there in a time when there were several right stirings and some of the people in this whole town, especially one of a woman wearing a stocking cap in the middle of the summer, that happened. I said to him, I don't know, but how about those blacks, except for you to talk the word. So he and Craig Roth were driving back to Fort Worth and Jim said, Craig, cool over here, just a little company store.

And he just got us a soda water, something like that. I was just so sick of dealing with folks who were listening to their complaints and crying. So they pulled over. Just as they got out of the car, a guy came along and I picked up truck and I was like, hey, Jim, right? We ran Jim high and they ran over and hugged and carried on. And the guy decided, well, Jim didn't know who he was and he got offended. And he said to him, you don't know me, do you? And Jim of course tried to fake it and indicate that it didn't. And he said, well, come on now. You don't know. Why don't you just admit it, Jim? Finally turned around and said, no, I don't know your name. And I don't want to give a damn what you name is. And the guy, of course, left in a hug. Well, I think that that may have been Jim's finest hour. Just finally, you know, just say, all right, I'll be pushed so far and no more. No, I don't know you. I don't care who you are and you've got to come in. Did you ever see much of his temper?

Oh, yeah. But Jim's temper, unlike mine, flares and goes away. If I get mad at you, I'm mad at you. Rest your life and I'll be mad at your kids. You know, I hold grudges and that's one of the reasons I said some other things about Jim. You know, when we had a little problem, I was working with him. I held a grudge. Jim does. He'll get mad about something and he'll blow up. And 10 minutes later, he's sorry that he did it and he worries about it and he, you know, he tries to make up with people and all that. And he does. He's been successful, you know, doing that. He knows that he's got a temper. He doesn't like folks talk about it, of course, because everybody does. He knows that he's got a temper and he's really tried to control it. When Craig Ruff was a, a Craig would call him a sad and just say, that was their shorthand for take it easy because Craig had told him years ago a story about this Roman effort who was watching his soldiers ride by, you know, just flanks after flanks after having won a battle. And the emperor started crying and one of his men said, what is the matter, you know.

And he said, I'm just thinking that all of those good men will be dead a hundred years or less. And so Craig Ruff would always say to Jim when Jim would get very exercise over exercise about some point that really put into historical terms with them not too much. You know, remember the Roman effort. And I think he tries to remember that again. Is there anything else you thought we missed that might cast a little light on the subject here? Somebody who's trying to figure out how this man is going to influence their life? No, you know. He's suspicious of us. Well, I guess suspicious might be worth more. Certainly he's wearing careful around the press because he's seeing what certain folks that have not been again. Well, he always strikes me. And one thing that strikes me about, right. And you know, when you do documentaries for public television, you write treatments and you send proposals out and everything. I was trying to think of how to characterize him.

I tell you really, Scott Craig Ruff knows him better than anybody. Let me tell you a little more about that back then. When Jim was the young mayor of Weatherford, Craig Ruff had been teaching school up in the Texas Plains, a little town called Vago, sense of history and all that. And they began to talk history books, politics and became friends. And Craig wound up coming up here with him. And I heard Jim say one time, Craig Ruff for my brother. And he's the one that Jim historically always has and always will consider, I think, the person closest to him. So you really aren't talking to him. Let me try this one thing. It seems like he's constantly on stage or he's constantly. He's just very aware of being in public. Yeah. Yeah, I think so. I think it's in Tip O'Neill's nature to be kind of a, you know, gregarious, have a drink, sing a song, backslap and a good old boy. Yeah.

Yeah, he's a good old boy. It is not in Jim's nature to be that way. He is a more controlled man. I think he is kind of wary of the press. I think he doesn't want to take risks about, you know, what he might say. Perhaps he learned a lesson very early when he came to Congress in his first term. He wrote a newsletter complaining about General Eisenhower, then the President of President Eisenhower, playing golf so much. And said, if he'd be in office in the White House and worth him, he'd be on the golf course. You know, we get so and so done and more things done and all that. Well, that was a pretty bright thing for young congressmen to say. Well, immediately somebody, I think Senator Clinton, that Texas correspondent, asked I get his next press conference. What about what this congressman right had said and read the quote, and I pressed read and said, I don't know what he's talking about. I've never even heard of that fellow, which was a really put down quote, of course. And Jim was a freshman, and freshmen are not known, and they won't be in.

But for President of the United States pointed out, it's pretty damaged. Well, the press, and of course, from all over the country, that thing, and on TV, and it was written about, and a press call, hold a cup, you know, and try to get Jim to fire back, and he got very upset about it. And I think that one incident had a lot to do with Jim, kind of remained in still wary. I think he still remembers once in a while. You know, what he went through during that period of time. That's interesting. Well, I should get a couple of wide shots, and I don't think we'll be pretty much finished here. You can go, get a shot with me in it, too. I know I'm just a producer, but occasionally, I like to have my picture taken this. Why not? Yeah. You might get to be then, rather, and get beat up on the street. Oh, Lord. All right, but he, you know, TV, I couldn't tell him. Right, let's see. Right, it was an old boxer and all that kind of stuff. Do you ever have to have occasion to see him practice this? Well, is this, or anything? Well, one time, when you had a shoving match, he kind of turned into fat, and he hit me right out of the heart, and I thought I was going to die, you know, but...

What precipitated that? I was trying to see his control, I guess, of the office, you know, which is my want, and we'd had several arguments about it, and discussions, whatever you want to call him in. At one point, we kind of lost our time for both of us. And kind of shoving around on each other, and he said, it was a little, little short chop to the heart, and I decided I wasn't a boxer. And he was, we wound up, he wound up, of course, apologizing, and I did too, and we hugged one other, and all that, but he hit. You know, two years ago here, he took his coat off on the floor of the house, and challenged two Republicans to come outside, one every time, or together, he didn't care. And I think they thought that he was being theatrical, but truth is, you know, you don't fight you if you mess with him. I don't think, again, that he likes talk about that, but I kind of like that street, and say, anybody don't push him around, so I don't tell any. Because I tried.

Well, are you happy you got out of politics? I came out of the personalities I knew, and what I knew about the Congress, you know, then at that time. And so it was a corner of the realm that I could use in a literary marketplace, and that's what attracted attention to me, really. So, you know, I guess I did it in a fairly timely fashion, despite the fact that I'd like to have about five of those years back. And maybe that's just an old man, you know, looking back to the good old days, because I really don't know most of, you know, most of the members of Congress and more. You used to know every day I'm one of them in the house, and about half of them in the Senate a couple of years ago when the new Congress came in. And then my wife, who's a lawyer here in town, brought me the new congressional photographic directors, where they have everybody's picture and all. And she said, go through this for me and check off, you know, put a check by every one of these guys, you know, in the house and Senate. And I did, and didn't count them, and she looked them up and did count them, and said, I got you only know 37 house members and 10 senators. And then first I was kind of stunned by that, because I want to know them all. And that's, yeah, but on the other hand, they're the ones that run it.

Because they had all been there when I first came there, you know, or came shortly thereafter, you know, years ago. Anyway, this thing that we're doing here is supposed to be on public television sometime around early January. Perhaps early February, if they want it. Early in mid-January, and everything's going to work out alright. He's a very busy man right now, if we've been trying, I think about three weeks now, getting to walk up the steps of the Capitol, so we can get a shot that recreates a shot we got from Channel 5, because, you know, the new Congressman comes to Washington and has some of the dorkiest footage. Have you been over there in this morning to his office? We know haven't been at his office this morning, you know. Just before you got here, I called, trying to see if I could find out about what time he was going to be here. And Shermaine said, well, they were waiting for you then. Over there. What time was that? About 10 o'clock. Oh, I said, okay. No, I called. I had left a message over there every time I called over, she wasn't there.

Yeah. What was happening is we were supposed to catch right going into the president this morning. So he's going to pull what we thought, pull him in the northwest gate, you know. So you were quite half? Yeah, we were at the northwest gate, and he went in the southwest gate. So that's about her, of course, right? Yeah. Well, we'll list, you're in for worth, right? Or we'll put it down. We have to put it down. We have to put it down. And we're going to get our office. Excuse me. Can you start over on that? That was good. No. Yeah, take it up. Go ahead. All right. I don't know. I was trying to get nighted.

You don't know what she's doing. Yeah. Okay. Okay. Okay. So you had expected to be back in the office today. Okay. I'll try it again. Bye. That's it. It's in there. We got to save it. It's in there. That's how it sounds.

This is it. He might have talked to somebody. Yeah. It's hard to tell. Sure is. Let's see. This doesn't strike me as to me or at all. Well, it didn't make it right. And it may not be to anybody. Well, it is. Yeah, it's an office. It's in Parliament. And he's talking about a contract. New York City. I know we can try to help him, but it's really not our difference. We have to call him and find out. But the heading is something about an expansion at a... Is that an army camp?

Yeah. In any case. It must be. Yes. All right. Very exciting. Very exciting. The facilities at Fort Drum New York. Yeah. But he doesn't tell us anything about how he has learned about the... And he doesn't say that he's supplied. Not unless you know what the contract is. Well, I don't know like that, but he's got to apply. There's an application process. I guess he knows what it is. Yeah, all right. He's found it. I guess we can call him. There's numbers on the letterhead here. And we can call him up and ask him... You know, what he wants. He has offices in... Arlington and one in Houston. You mind?

Okay. All right. All right. Your order. Thank you. Okay, all right. Thank you. All right. All right. All right. All right. All right. All right. All right. All right. Okay. All right. I guess we can call him up and ask him up. Okay, go ahead. I'm going to just run through. Some of the days may out for you. Okay. Here's a letter from a live write down our way. They've been told. Public printer has notified the joint committee. On printing that all items that they get are going to be available only on microfish, which is this, you know, very small little negatives that project bigger.

And they say that's not the most suitable way and it will make it available to the public and they're complaining about it. So we will have to contact the joint committee on printing and the public printer, which is actually in the government printing office and say, this is new to us, what's going on and justify what you're doing. Because our library down there, and if one library is complaining, then probably lots of them are. You see, we have to take it that way. Then there's a guy in the oil business. And he read about what Mr. Wright did. He greeted the Taiwanese people who came to buy grain and various other agricultural products and Texas Mr. Wright greeted them about a month ago. This guy read that in a story that he wants to know if they like to buy some oil field equipment. And so he's wanting us to contact the Taiwanese and find out.

And so that's easy. Up in the middle of the door. It's just a thanking note from somebody here's a family who is thanking Mr. Wright for something he did. We get a lot of thanking notes. Not everybody has a problem. Some people are thanking him for getting over their problem, you know, helping them with it. The fellow says, it is impossible to find adequate words to express all that is in our hearts for what you have done to be half of our son. When the letter came, and that's from an agency that they had a problem with, stating that he had been officially reinstated, so he felt it lost his job for no really good reason. And Mr. Wright went to bat foreign and all that. And got his job back. Well, it's a nice, very nice letter.

I'm going to read it all to him. Here's a singing group that wants a State Department sponsorship for tour of Russia. I don't know whether they do that or whether they can do that. The USO sponsors trips to Russia. I don't know exactly what the connection is, but we'll find out and get back to them. I think this is a request of congratulation for somebody who is retiring from President of the... Looks like a Masonic Lodge over in Dallas. Once again, that's not our district, but we will do it, you know. I suppose they're on Congress and we'll do it too. This is something I haven't even waited to do. I don't know what that's about, so I won't share that with you.

But that's just a general idea of the various things that we do with today to day. That's what we do. Moving actually. All right, I'll just give you a little rundown on sort of the type and the variety of letters we get on a single day. This is today's mail. Something that we got in today or maybe yesterday. It just hit my desk today. There's a letter from someone, a library down our way that is complaining about the public printer, which is a GAO, telling the joint committee on printing that's up here in the house, that various public documents will only be available on microfish, which is at really small negatives and that sort of thing. And they say that's not really the best way for the public to view something and they're complaining about it. And if one library is complaining about lots of musty, so we're going to have to take this up with the joint committee on printing and the government printing office. Here's a fellow who has an oil company.

He read about the Jim Rice efforts to sell the Taiwanese Texas cotton and grain and things like that. And Mr. Wright greeted a lot of those people over what I think was about six weeks ago among. And he saw that in the paper and now he wants to know if they want to buy any oil fields equipment. Well, we don't know, so we can put him in touch with the Taiwanese people here in Washington to see if they can do that. So a thank you letter. And we get quite a few of these from folks who we've interceded on their behalf. They've had problems with the government, things like that. Here's a nice couple down for it. They're thanking Jim Wright for his effort. I'll just read you a little bit. It says that it's impossible to find adequate words to express all that is in our hearts and what you have done on behalf of our son. The letter came from the federal agency. I'll tell you which one stating that he had been officially restated reinstated.

We cried. But this time there were tears of joy. It was a wonderful day. This fellow was working for a government agency and he lost his job. And for no good reason. And so we interceded here on his behalf and did something about it. Here's a letter from my singing group in Texas that wants a State Department sponsored tour of Russia. And I don't exactly how that works. I know that the USO has sentenced groups over. Bob, hoping people like that. I don't know. And rock and roll groups. I read in the paper the other day. But I don't know how this works. But we're going to have to contact the State Department and find out. And then get back to them and see if we can help them. And that's the sort of disassembling of the sort of letters that we get on any given day. Okay, whatever, you ready?

Okay. Okay. Hi, this is Elwanda in Congressman Wright's office in Washington. I'm calling about a letter that Mr. Wright got from a lady who lives in the North Hill manner apartments on chemistry. And she says that her rent has been raised from $59 a month. Okay.

Can you tell me who would, who I would need to talk to? No, she didn't specify that. Okay. Hello. I'm calling from Congressman Wright's office in Washington. And I'm calling about a lady that lives in the North Hill manner apartments. Is that your project? I'm sorry, I can't hear you. Okay. They transferred me to you so that you could see if she was one of your people. Gladys Manuel.

Am I in? I don't know. Yes. I'm calling from Congressman Wright's office. Okay. Okay. Hi, this is Elwanda in Congressman Wright's office in Washington. I'm trying to find out about a lady who is written to Mr. Wright and says that her rent has gone up and it's gone from $59 a month to $171.

And she lives at $3,700 curing street. Is that your project? I just called them and they said it wasn't. Gladys Manuel. You may hear me out. M-A-N-U-E-L. Uh-huh. Uh-huh. Uh-huh.

Um. Uh-huh. Uh-huh. Uh-huh. Uh-huh. Uh-huh. My-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my -my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my-my

and I'll just put it over there. Okay. Yeah, it's landing. Yeah, it's done. Can I help you? You moved up here from Texas, I said, to an apple. Well, if there have been the staff cuts both on the hill and in the federal government,

there will be requirements of ground rudiment, but that doesn't mean it's impossible to find a job in Washington and in the federal government. There are certain applied ways to do it, you know, a proof way to do it, I should say. And there's a form for it. You need to go to the Office of Personal Management, which is right downtown, I believe it's East Street, here in Washington, and you're in an apple, so all right, and you go in there and you, they have listings for jobs, you know, of various vacancies that are available in the federal government because there's a turnover despite the hiring freezes, they

do have to replace the workers they have when they move or various other reasons. And you fill out a form called a 171 form, a standard form, 171, and you fill that out and then you take it and mail it to whoever it says is looking for a job. Let's say the Defense Department has a job as a secretary or as a file clerk, but whatever it is, you feel your capacity is, you know, and then you send those off, and I mean, you know, literally thousands of people have gotten their jobs out there. I like to say none of us were born behind these debts, you know, we all had to get a job somewhere, so, and then on the hill with the Congress, on both sides of hell, both on the Senate side and on the House side, there are personnel offices. You need to go in there and they have their own version of the 171 form.

It's slightly shorter than the downtown bureaucracy's version, but you need to fill that out. And if you can type, you need to take a typing test. And I would, well, what can you type, because that's an essential requirement on the hill. I mean, everybody types of the man and the women, you know, we all type. Well, it's a communication skill, I think I'm saying it. And anyway, you need to go in there, and they don't have a listing, I'm like the government downtown, but this is called the placement office. And you go in there, and you fill out their phone number, and then they put you on the list so that if a member of Congress says it's looking for somebody, and they don't all hire that way, but sometimes they're looking for a receptionist, they're looking for a legislative

assistant, but somebody like me, you know, and they contact the placement office and say, send me some forms of people that you feel are qualified. And then if you were qualified at the placement office, but then they would send those things to that member of Congress, he'd love to move with me, calling for an interview. And that's one way to do it now. There's an office here on the house side, and there's one on the center side. So you can go do that. If you want to go in there, and send me some time, you know, I'm here all day every day. And you can just pop in, and I can take where the offices are, and that's sort of been showing around. But that's basically, and then there's some other job listings with the Democratic study group.

And then this is the positions open, and that sort of thing, you drop your resume and I'm there. And, you know, there's an applied group, and there's a sort of a way to do it. So, drop more, drop. Okay, okay.

I just finished the night's office. It's alright, you wanna do it for you? I'm not sure where it is, but Charmaine's just here to give it back 5.30 there, but it's okay, see you later. Well, you know what I mean? Well, I'm fine. Good. I'm going to lay this map or to run away for ABC's for you, or you tell me. Well, we will look at what we're going to see.

What about Charmaine? Thanks is the thing. What do you think is the thing? Well, I don't look. I'll go along with whatever news it is. I didn't find Charmaine. Let me see what she's saying. Alright. Thank you. How are you? How are you? I'm glad to see you. You all done okay? You got that line. He's okay. I've got a crude here now and Mysterieta is in here. You don't think you'll be here till 5? Okay. Tell me your foot. Well, ABC tells me they're crude and we're going to be here till 5. Well, let's do you and that way. Okay. That sounds great. Where do you want to do it? Where do you want to do it? You want to sit there? Yeah. If we can do that in your pretty office. All right. I'll sit there. Sit down on it. Well, what if you want to sit? Standing. Okay.

Well, where are you? Right here. Nice. Over here. Okay. Yeah, like that. All right. Wherever you say. All right. That's good. Mr. Wright, you've talked about your meeting at the White House this morning. Tell me again why you, why the House leaders decided to make the offer they've made to the President. Well, the name of the game is peace, not war. We're trying to make it easy for the President to conduct a successful negotiation with Mr. Garbchow. If he feels that restrictions are the kind that Congress has imposed upon him or excess baggage, then we're willing to withhold those restrictions until after the summits have been held and reassess them in the light of what has been agreed to in the summits. It's just possible that they might reach agreements which would make them null and void, if so, so much the better. The only thing we insist upon, I think, is that the President really must adhere to the limits of salt, too.

Surely we do not want to be the ones to break salt, too, unilaterally, and start the missile arms race again. That's the only thing we're asking, and we're willing to be cooperative and silly at the rank. Give to the world an demonstration of a nation united in the search for peace. If your offer does become the basis of some kind of compromise for getting the CR passed and getting the President to the summit, then if the salt to limits are reached, are you the Democratic leaders that is in trouble in big problems? Oh, well, that would be an act of very bad faith. Those salt to limits are to our advantage. In fact, it is in the end of the United States, as well as the end of the world peace, that those salt to limits be maintained. You see, the Soviet Union has had to dismantle many more weapon systems than we have under salt, too, and the continuance of the salt to limits would require them to dismantle many more in the future than we would be required to do.

In addition to that, the Soviet Union has a big intercontinental message on which, if we were just a band in the salt to limits, they could attach independent, alternative, multiple, re-entry vehicles. They would render us very, very well. It is very important to keep salt good. And this is what we have said to the President. And this, I think, is the position that both House and Senate want to see maintain. Has the President's rhetoric, if you will, on this subject been, would you classify it as being highly political? Oh, well, that may not be critical to the President. It's a moment when I want to be conciliatory. And so I don't want to make any kind of a critical reference to him. We're trying to help him. We're not trying to get in his way. We don't want to embarrass him. We want to make it easier for him to go to the summit and conduct a successful peace negotiation for Mr. Garbageon.

The proposal on the table now, certainly that is movement on the Democratic House side. Have you seen any indication of movement from the administration towards the middle there? In other words, have they responded with a willingness to perhaps move from their position? Well, it would be nice if they did. In any event, I think ultimately the Congress is going to have to act. That's the job of the Constitution imposes opponents. It's our responsibility to write the laws. And ultimately, we just have to do that. But we're trying our very best to be conciliatory and to work out a bipartisan kind of an agreement. If there is any willingness on the part of the White House to sit down and work with us, we'll be able to work it out. Have you seen any willingness on it? We faith as the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things not seen. Last question. In terms of, aside from the fact that the House wants to be conciliatory on the eve of the summit, do you personally think that the House provisions would tie the President's hands?

Well, absolutely not. Not in any way whatsoever. You see, both in the salt to limits and in the anti-test ban, we allow the President to, if he has any evidence that the Soviet Union is violating to declare it null and void. But absent such evidence, then we feel that we should abide by those agreements as well. Okay, thank you, sir. Thank you very much. Hi, how are you? I'm Mr.

Let's see. I'm with them. Okay. All right. Thanks again. Okay, Julie. Bye now. Thank you.