U.N. Security Council Session on Iran

sequences for international peace and security. My delegation wishes to join in the praise which has been expressed to you and in the best wishes that have been put forward for your success as President of the Council. We took part in the initiative, convening this meeting, fully convinced that the events in Afghanistan require action from the international community in consonance with our commitments under the United Nations Charter and the many decisions that have been adopted by various bodies in the United Nations. Furthermore, Venezuela belongs to a part of the world which has long fought for full guarantees for the right of all people from all countries to determine their own future freely, to choose their own path to development without foreign interference or pressure or impediments, subject only to respect for the rule of law both domestically and internationally.

The facts which pertain to the events in Afghanistan have been a matter of public knowledge ever since in 1978 when representatives of a certain ideological tendency assume control of the government of the country. Political information shows that there began a struggle between various institutions and schools of political and social thought, which is obviously part of an internal process to determine the political, economic and social future of the country responding to the aspirations of Afghan society, all of which is very much in keeping with the normal evolution of any country and the expression of the will of the people should be respected, there should be no outside interference of the kind which has been denounced here.

In other words, there must be mutual respect and recognized equality among states. Self-determination must be respected without any qualifications, if peace and security are to be maintained and if there are to be guarantees for harmonious and advantageous international relations. This is vital for all states. It's particularly important for the future of the developing countries whose right to live and develop without foreign interference depends on the rule of law. This is the thrust and specific meaning which stems clearly from paragraph seven article two of the charter. In recent times, whenever outside threats have arisen to this process, the international

organization has been open to the presentation of appropriate complaints and the international community has corrective machinery whereby any state threatened by outside aggression, impeding the normal course of events domestically, can use this organization and its bodies to denounce that aggression and call for action. Respect for the charter implies that we must not conceal situations which violate the principles contained in the charter to condone events which have not been condemned but which could and should be condemned and to agree that those events have caused certain situations is tantamount to distorting reality. Venezuela firmly supports the principle of non-intervention. We do so because of regional policies and because of continental and worldwide commitments. We cannot compromise in this area because of our historic formation and because of the

special features of our political development. We cannot tolerate outside presence, settling, political, domestic disputes nor can we accept this in international commitments. Our basic point of reference is that there must be compatibility between our commitments and the obligations of the United Nations Charter which must prevail and this includes non-intervention in internal affairs of states and that goes beyond merely national provisions. Mr. President, we are very much concerned over the emergence of certain situations which show imperialistic and hegemonistic tendencies which seriously compromise the life of smaller countries and endanger international relations and our system of values.

Objectively speaking, the situation in Afghanistan gives pause and is particularly disturbing as we consider future international relations between the major powers and the developing countries. Debate within a society as it endeavors to determine its own political future cannot be an excuse for using force or other outside elements to interrupt the normal process of choosing political regimes, forms of government or certain ideologies which are being discussed by certain segments of a population. The population must determine its own ideology. In the particular case before us, freedom to choose has been paralyzed and impeded by the massive presence of military forces which is a violation of commitments, a violation of the principles of peaceful coexistence, non-interference and mutual respect among states

which will have a great impact on security and peace. Objectively speaking, the case is clear. Matters of interpretation should not lead either to abandoning certain obligations or postponing their implementation, nor should they lead to violations of the charter. State commitments in this area must not, as we have said, affect the fact that the obligations that all countries have obligations under the charter. Having the events which have occurred in the general situation which has arisen, our organization, and primarily this council, has an obligation to put an end to interference in matters which are particularly within the internal jurisdiction of Afghanistan, and which are matters which should be determined primarily by the nationals of that country.

Thank you. I thank the delegate of Venezuela for his statement, and I invite him to take the seat reserved for him at the side of the council chamber. The next speaker on my list is the representative of Czechoslovakia. I invite him to take a seat at the council table. The speaker will be Ambassador Ilja Hulinski. I call on the representative of Czechoslovakia. President, I would like to thank you for giving me the floor, and also the Security Council

for granting the request of the Czechoslovak delegation and giving us an opportunity to speak today. And congratulating you, an experienced diplomat of a country with which Czechoslovakia is linked by ties of traditional cooperation on your assumption of the presidency. I would also like to thank you and all my other distinguished colleagues for their kind words to my delegation as an outgoing member of the Security Council. Mr. President, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is going through difficult times.

The confluence of internal and external circumstances and events have posed a threat to the gains of the revolution, which in April of the year before last, opened up encouraging prospects for the people of that country against revolutionary power, the most reactionary feudal and the capitalistic forces of the old regimes united and exploited even the mistakes committed by the revolution, which undoubtedly weakened it internally.

With active support from abroad aimed at reestablishing military strategic positions, which had been lost in Iran, they attempted to turn the clock of history back at a difficult critical time when the revolution was faced with a mortal danger at the very end of last year, a new government appeared on the political scene in Afghanistan determined to resolve the situation in a principled manner. The attitude of the Czechoslovak people to the people of Afghanistan was clearly expressed

in a telegram from the President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic Gustav Husak, a telegram which he sent on the 29th of December 1979 to the chairman of the Revolutionary Council in the government of Afghanistan, Barbara Carmo. The telegram stated, and I quote, the Czechoslovak people sincerely welcomed the victory of the April Revolution in Afghanistan and has been following with great sympathy this struggle for the implementation of its goals. I am sure that the people of Afghanistan, under the leadership of the People's Democratic Party, will successfully defend the gains of the revolution, sovereignty, and independence of their country.

I am sure that the traditional ties of friendship and international cooperation between our two parties and countries will be developed further and will grow deeper for the good of the peoples of both our countries, for the sake of progress, socialism, and peace throughout the world end of quotation. The new leadership of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has taken decisive measures for defense purposes and to ensure the development of the further stage of the People's Democratic Revolution of Afghanistan has also exercised its inalienable right as a sovereign state in requesting the Soviet Union to render it all-round assistance, including military assistance, for the sake of and in the interests of the Afghan people and not against it.

The dangerous plans for converting Afghanistan into a beachhead against the Soviet Union have failed. The internationalist assistance of the Soviet Union will be understood and supported by all who cherish the goals of the Afghan Revolution, who respect the efforts of the Afghan people to bring about social progress, and all those who genuinely feel strongly about the interests of preserving peace and security in that part of the world. And events in Afghanistan have been the target of crude attacks by world reaction, which has been exploiting misinformation and confusion. Today, when plans for a counter-eolutionary coup in Afghanistan have failed, the enemies

of progress have been doing everything in that power to at least whip up an anti-Afghan and anti-socialist campaign. The initiators of this campaign are trying at the same time to divert the attention of world public opinion from the military threat hanging over Iran from their aggressive policy in the middle and far east and in other parts of the world. From the new phase of the feverish arms race into which the members of NATO have plunged Europe, from their attempts to prevent the entry into force of the Soviet-American treaty sought to and in general to whip up a wave of attacks against the stabilization of the process of international detente.

The attainment of these goals, obviously, must be served by the meeting of the Security Council. My delegation categorically rejects such attempts. The Security Council has no right to appraise measures taken by the Government of Afghanistan to resist the growing danger of a direct threat to the independence of sovereignty of their country and to resist counter-eolution supported from outside. Before and minister of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, Shah Mohammed dost, in his telegram of the 30th January this year, addressed to the President of the Security Council, was there for entirely justified in categorically protesting against such an attempt, such an

intent. That both the people in the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan have given a compelling answer to all those who have been attempting to bring about a counter-evoluciary coup in their country. And the peace-loving peoples of the world in the final event will thwart the plans of the reactionaries who are aiming into alia, and this includes the method of distorting the recent development events in Afghanistan, to turn backwards the course of peaceful coexistence and internationally taunt in international relations back to the years of the Cold War. I'd like at the same time to express my conviction that members of the Security Council, too, will not permit the Council to engage in the rhetoric of the Cold War in its practice.

Sir, at the end of my statement, I would like briefly to talk about the not very new attacks of the Chinese representative against my country. The representatives of today's China, obviously embarrassed by the fact that with the international support and assistance of allied countries in 1968, it was possible in Czechoslovakia to defend the socialist system, to avert bloodshed, and the arising in central Europe of a situation fraught with the most serious danger to international peace. As we know, there still exists certain foreign circles, which in 1968 encouraged attempts at bringing about a counter-evolutionary coup in Czechoslovakia, attempts radically to change

the very foundations of our internal and foreign policy, and to tear Czechoslovakia out of the family of socialist countries, and forces which, even now it would appear more than ten years later, cannot resign themselves to the fact that their goals and hopes were dashed. We can understand their disappointment, but they can do nothing to change the situation. The Czechoslovak socialist republic was, is and will remain, a firm and reliable link in the socialist community. Thank you. I thank the representative of Czechoslovakia for his statement and for his kind words to me. May I now ask him to take the seat reserved for him at the side of the Council chamber. And so the ambassador of Czechoslovakia has said that the Security Council has no right

to discuss the issue of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. It will be recalled that in 1968, the Czechoslovak government asked the Security Council to deal with the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, then a new government came in and said again that the Security Council should not try to intervene. This morning, the Hungarian representative did the same thing. The Hungarians had asked for Security Council help when the Russians intervened in that country in 1956. So now we have two allies of the Soviet Union who were put into power again by Soviet force supporting the Soviet Union here in the Security Council. Let's return to the floor of the Security Council. And the members of this Council, for giving me the opportunity to participate in the Council's debate on the item presently in the discussion. The government of the Netherlands is deeply concerned about the recent events in Afghanistan. For reasons, I will set out my government has felt that an urgent meeting of the Security

Council was necessary in order to consider these developments. We have, therefore, supported the request pertaining thereto, together with a great number of member states from different parts of the world. My delegation is grateful for being enabled to present its views on a matter which not only could affect stability in the area, but also seriously endanger peace and security in the world. Mr. President, the government of the Soviet Union has provided us on December 27th of last year with an explanation for its intervention in neighboring Afghanistan. After careful examination, the Netherlands government has, however, reached the conclusion that it cannot accept the argumentation contained therein.

The explanation by the government of the Soviet Union states that the leadership of Afghanistan turned itself to the Soviet Union with a request for assistance to defend itself against foreign aggression. It refers to an, I quote, long-standing outside intervention in the internal affairs of Afghanistan with the use among others of armed elements, and to, I quote, ex of foreign aggression, and quote, however, on the basis of all available information, it seems less than obvious that such was the case. On the contrary, we have reasons to believe that we have faced with military intervention by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, an independent and sovereign country. From the unfolding of events from early December on, we cannot withdraw the conclusion that

the real aim was to overthrow the government in power in Afghanistan and to replace it with regime more responsive to the Soviet interests. Such was the sequence, the change of power in Afghanistan on December 27 was preceded by a build-up of Soviet troops in that country. The alleged outside threat to the security of Afghanistan was in reality nonexistent, and neither could it be argued that the security interests of the Soviet Union itself were in any way at stake. It was a present in the government of the Soviet Union in its statement justified its action by referring to Article 51 of the Charter. It should, however, be clear from what I just said that recourse to individual or collective self-defense was neither called for nor justified.

Here we are presented with an unjustified recourse to one of the basic provisions of the Charter. What else, therefore, have we witnessed than an interference by military force in the internal affairs of a member state in violation of the basic principles of the Charter and of International Law, the Netherlands government considers this intervention totally unacceptable. My government's concern is also inspired by the consequences of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan for peace and stability in the region. We are all aware of the grave conflicts with which this area is confronted. The population thereof has already greatly suffered as a result of the ensuing instability. Also in view of the strategic importance of that part of the world, any interference

in the internal affairs of sovereign states must be considered a potential threat to international peace. Seen from a wider perspective, the use of force in international relations cannot be tolerated by the community of nations. The Netherlands regard the Soviet action as a grave setback for international day-taunt, a concept which, by its very nature, both is both indivisible and of a global character. It is our earnest expectation that the Soviet Union will live up to its commitment to respect the principles of the Charter and not interfere in the internal affairs of other nations. My government therefore launches an earnest appeal to the government of the Soviet Union to withdraw immediately its forces from Afghanistan and to seize force with its interference in the internal affairs of that country.

The people of Afghanistan should be allowed to determine their own future freely without outside interference or assistance in quotation marks, and in accordance with its own laws and constitution and with the right of self-determination. And finally, Mr. President, I would like to draw the attention of the council to the plight of the Afghan refugees. It is to be feared that their number will rapidly increase unless the Soviet presence in that country is quickly brought to an end. My government views that aspect with concern and isn't aware of the inflow of Afghan refugees into neighboring countries, in particular Pakistan, that it will inevitably cause considerable problems for the authorities of those countries. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank the representative of the Netherlands for his statement and also for his kind words

to me. Before we go to the next speaker, I'd like to call in Jane Rosen, the correspondent for the Guardian, the British newspaper, who is at the United Nations and has the terms of the resolution that we've been able to hold on to for a minute. The next speaker on my list is the representative. Later today. Jane, what are the operative paragraphs of that resolution? I invite you to take a seat. It's sponsored by Bangladesh, and it's going to be supported by the Philippines, Zambia, Niger, and presumably by Tunisia as well. It says it deeply – the council deeply deploys the recent armed intervention in Afghanistan and calls for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan to enable the people to determine their own form of government. And so forth. And then it's just added a paragraph, which affirms that the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Afghanistan must be fully respected. This last was adapted because the West insisted on strengthening the resolution.

The West is still pretty upset that the Soviet Union is not named by name. They simply call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops. I take it that we're nevertheless expecting the Soviet Union to veto this resolution. What is that? Is there any question about that? Because the council is already trying to figure out how to get it to the General Assembly. Good. Thank you very much, Jane Rosen, of the British newspaper, The Guardian. I'd like to just mention that Ambassador Donald McKenry of the United States has gone to Washington with Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim, who is meeting with President Carter probably at this very moment. Right now, you will see that Mr. Robert Rosenstock is in the chair for the United States. And speaking at the moment is the Vietnamese Ambassador Ambassador Havana Lyle. Let's go to the floor of the council. Yet have a full complement of members as defined by the United Nations Charter. The cause of this abnormal situation was set forth by the delegation of the Soviet Union.

And so I shall not return to it. I wish merely to draw the attention of the council to the views of many member countries that, in similar cases, the activities of the council are not in accordance with the United Nations Charter, yet it is the council which should guarantee respect for the United Nations Charter. Secondly, it is regrettable that the council allowed an individual allegedly representing so-called Democratic Computea to speak in this lofty body. The words Democratic Computea cause men of conscience throughout the world to shudder as they think of the odious crimes committed by the anti-democratic genocidal regime

overthrown exactly a year ago by the people of Computea. It is for that very reason that one permanent member of the council had to withdraw recognition following the demands of the people and public opinion in that country. It is truly ironic that our organization has tolerated the presence in our midst of that butcher in Democratic garb stained by the blood of 3 million innocent Computeans. He's nothing but the voice of his masters in Peking, and he came to disrupt important meetings of the United Nations. The delegation of Vietnam hopes that an end will be put to this absurdity which only damages

the prestige and honor of the United Nations, and we hope that the seat of the People's Republic of Computea in the United Nations will be returned to its lawful owner, the revolutionary People's Council of Computea. Thirdly, this is a matter of principle under the Charter. In spite of the strong protests by the government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, the council is meeting nonetheless to consider the situation in Afghanistan, a sovereign country which is in the process of settling vital questions successfully without calling on the United Nations for action. This is clearly direct interference in the internal affairs of a member state of the United Nations.

During the same period a year ago, the council discussed the situation in Computea without a request from the Revolutionary People's Council of Computea, the genuine representative of the People of Computea, and the situations are similar. Mr. President, having made these remarks and offered these reservations, my delegation would now like to set forth in the council the position of the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam on recent events in Afghanistan. First of all, the delegation of Vietnam warmly welcomes the presence of his excellency, Mr. Mohamed Dost, the foreign minister of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. And in particular, we thank the minister for his clear, precise statement on the situation

of his country, which has contributed to giving the council a comprehensive objective picture regarding the developments in Afghanistan since the victorious revolution of April 1978. In particular, we welcome information regarding the causes and consequences of this for the young Republic of Afghanistan and regarding peace and stability in the area. The delegation of Vietnam hopes that the voice of the genuine representative, genuine and lawful representative of the people of Afghanistan will receive the close attention of all those who cherish the truth. For that voice, Shed's light on the real situation in Afghanistan, which has been deliberately distorted in a biased manner by a propaganda campaign in Imico to the people of Afghanistan and to their revolution.

The Socialist Republic of Vietnam considers that recent events in Afghanistan, namely the taking of the reigns of power again by the popular forces of Afghanistan, directed by President Babrak Kamal, is part of the development of the revolution of Afghanistan of the 27th of April 1978, which had been thwarted by the forces of imperialism and international reactionism. With the revolution of April 1978, the people of Afghanistan exercising their right to self-determination over through the dictatorial regime of Muhammad Dawud and set for themselves the task of building a new society in keeping with the aspirations of the vast majority of the people, thereby actively contributing to the cause of peace and stability in the

area. The toll in human lives paid by that courageous people for their political and social emancipation says a good deal about their determination to put behind them centuries of injustice and to put an end to an archaic tyrannical kingdom supported by imperialism, which had long kept the people of Afghanistan in slavery, poverty and ignorance. And now the people of Afghanistan wish to found the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan for the first time. This has been a serious defeat for imperialism and international reactionism. It is also why they have tried, by every means, to plot against the young republic, as

indeed they have done with respect to other revolutions. It's been that difficult for them to accept the fact that oppressed people's dare overthrow the old established order. Related support on all levels has been given to the reactionary elements in the fallen regime to overthrow revolutionary forces and ensure their control over the country. Attacks have been launched from outside the country. There have been terrorist operations, disruptive actions, subversion sabotage, all against the new regime carried out by military men trained, equipped by the agents of American imperialism, by Maoist groups, agents from Peking, in various centers in the territory

of a neighboring country. For the past year and more, they've deliberately perpetrated more than 250 acts of rebellion and perpetrated armed attacks against the Afghan Revolution and have caused and caused bloodshed in the province of Herat in March of 1979. The delegation of the Soviet Union, in the council yesterday, brought forward irrefutable evidence of these plots hatched by the United States of America and China against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. And this evidence was even revealed in the American press. I might just add a few particularly significant facts.

The commander of the Air Forces of China cynically declared in one of his visits to a neighboring country of Afghanistan that Peking had the intention of supplying arms to Afghan rebellious troops and to train groups of saboteur in Peking itself. The UPI in New Delhi, yesterday, gave us further proof of this shameful interference by the authorities of Peking in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. According to that agency, Chinese military advisors have already arrived in Pamir to train Afghan forces of rebellion. Diplomats from Kabul also report that the Chinese are in the process of training Afghan rebels in the northeastern part of Afghanistan and are giving them weapons and munitions.

In addition to these political military activities, the government in Washington and the expansionist authorities in Peking have been intensifying economic pressure cutting off material assistance and they have been trying to threaten other countries and force them to agree to an embargo or cause further difficulties for the revolution of Afghanistan. They try to stimulate political prejudice, divide the people in the revolution, poison the religion in the country, slander the revolutionary power and violate human rights and freedom of religion. While the Afghan revolution is trying to deal with these various difficulties caused by imperialism and international reaction, as was stated in this council by the foreign minister

of Afghanistan, the traitor Amin, playing precisely into the hands of the imperialist, carried out his counter-revolutionary plot, which led to the assassination of President Nur Mohamed Taraki and imprisoned and killed thousands of revolutionary patriots and militants, lending himself thereby to imperialism and international reactionism in their designs to destroy the revolution in Afghanistan. In the face of the imminent threat of losing what the revolution has gained as a result of aggression by armed groups from abroad with the destabilizing activities which have occurred in the country, on the 27th of December 1979, the forces of the authentic Afghan

revolution led by President Babarak Karmal, overthrew the fascist regime of Amin, restored popular power and ensured thereby the forward progress of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. As regards the limited military assistance which was requested by Afghan leadership from the Soviet Union, a neighboring country with which the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan had formed traditional relations of good neighborlyness, a statement by the foreign minister of Afghanistan in this council was clear enough to expose any stalling tactics aimed at giving some credibility to aggression or armed invasion by the Soviet Union against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.

This request from Afghanistan and the positive response of the Soviet Union for which the people and lawful government of Afghanistan are grateful is in keeping with the provisions of the Treaty of Friendship, good neighborliness and cooperation signed in Moscow between the leaders of the two countries on the 5th of December 1978. The limited military assistance which the Soviet Union has given is also in keeping with Article 51 of the charter on the natural right to self-defense, individual and collective. Whenever a United Nations member is the victim of armed aggression. Once again, the aim of crushing the young Afghan Republic has been thwarted. This failure may explain the anger with which those who have failed have shown and may

explain why they have slandered the Soviet Union arguing that the presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan is a threat to the peace and security of the area. The sole threat to peace and security in the area is unquestionably the feverish activities of the United States of America in collusion with the expansionist authorities in Peking who are trying to submit the peoples of this nerve-setter in the world to their will with a systematic policy of military build-up and the policy of destabilizing the area and interfering internally in the affairs of the area. On the 20th of December last President Babarak Karamal stated, and I quote, the present policy

of the government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is to promote the revolution of April in the right direction in order to eliminate poverty and backwardness, to bring about equality among peoples and societies, to build an independent economy, and to pursue a foreign policy on the basis of the principles of active neutrality and peaceful coexistence and of quotation. On the 4th of January according to the Ajahn's France press in Moscow, President Babarak Karamal denounced and I quote, the lies of the United States, which is using this technique to try to justify their defeat. The United States must realize that the changes that have taken place in Afghanistan have

been brought about by our party, by our national armed forces, and that the material, moral, and even military assistance, given us by the Soviet Union, is entirely in keeping with the will of the people of Afghanistan and that it has been used to thwart threats that have come from abroad and that are even now hanging over Afghanistan end of quotation. As imperialist and reactionary circles are stressing the fact that the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has been enjoying military assistance from the Soviet Union to protect their revolution, they've been very careful to avoid uttering a word about their own conspiracy. How and for how long have they been financing, training, equipping, and supplying commando

reactionary units from neighboring countries or in areas far from Afghanistan in an attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and sweep away the revolution of Afghanistan. Their hostile activities against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan are part and parcel of the traditional policies of imperialist reactionary circles who have clung to the old established order on the flimsy pretext of defending the Charter's principles, but it is nothing but an attempt to maintain their privileges and uphold their sorted interests. Wherever the oppressed peoples of the world win their political, economic, or social emancipation

after a great struggle, the forces of imperialism and international reactionism continue to pursue a relentless revanchist policy in an effort to regain their so-called lost positions or at the very least to destabilize these countries who have dared stand up to them. The case of Afghanistan really should only be added to the long list of countries that have been victims of this policy of revanchism and agemony in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Methods of coercion, destabilization, which have been used by imperialism and international reactionism over the past few years in Afghanistan, are the very same techniques that have been used elsewhere in the world. They're really part of a classic policy, namely to throttle

economies by blockade, assassinate political leaders, recover the debris of the armies, and the police apparatus of the fallen regime provide assistance to refugees and train them as infiltration agents to promote psychological warfare in various ethnic groups and religious groups to sow racial hatred and division and to colonize mines by disseminating distorted information through the mass media. These evil efforts are really all time bombs on an international scale, and they're a constant threat to the peace and security of the peoples of the world. And first and foremost, they are a threat to the peoples of the

smaller countries and to the young revolutionary regimes who haven't yet had a chance to recover from the wounds of their wars of liberation or from the long years of social disruption. The people of Vietnam and the oppressed peoples of all continents who have personally suffered from wars of aggression and from colonialist domination and imperialist and racist control and from policies of hegemonism and expansionism are quite capable of realizing that in the crucial moments of their struggle when young revolutionary regimes are being victimized by war mongers and reventious powers, only international, political, material, moral and military assistance from progressive peace and justice-loving forces throughout the world can give them what they need to deal with their enemies. Imperialist expansionist

circles are quite aware of the fact that unless they can isolate their victims and keep them away from the progressive forces in the world, their aim of putting down revolutions will be doomed to failure. And that explains their systematic, enraged efforts to slander progressive forces and distort reality. And they have even cynically denied their victims the sovereign and alienable right to enjoy solidarity and international assistance. From the standpoint of Vietnam, the events of the 27th of December 1979 represent a major

victory for the people of Afghanistan. Safe guarding what the revolution of April 1978 had won, thwarting the maneuvers of American imperialism and those of the reactionaries in Peking and other reactionary forces who have all tried to liquidate the revolution of Afghanistan. The timely, positive, generous assistance of the Soviet Union is particularly justified and necessary and is in keeping with the aspirations of the people of Afghanistan and is in keeping with the Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighborliness and Cooperation between the two countries, which was signed on the 5th of December 1978 and is also in keeping with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. This is a purely internal affair of the people of Afghanistan having to do with bilateral relations between two sovereign countries.

No one has the right to interfere. The people in the government of Vietnam wish to assure the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan of their unfailing support. Mr. President, in the face of the attempts of certain circles to rally world public opinion to their concerns and considering the failure of their adventurous and criminal plans to subvert the young Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, may I make an appeal and ask you to ponder this matter calmly. In this constantly changing world and considering the victory of the revolution of Afghanistan and considering the fact that the forward march of oppressed peoples is irreversible,

if our organization had not, does not make a positive contribution, willingly or unwillingly, it must at least refrain from any action which would cause harm. Our international community must show lucidity in this matter if it truly wishes to. To give our support to the efforts of the martyred people of the world in their desire for independence and justice and peace instead of condoning the plots of retrograde forces regardless of their labels, that is the kind of international action that is needed to promote the peace and security of peoples and nations. Thank you very much. I thank you, sir, and I thank you for your congratulations. May I ask you to take the

seat reserved for you at the side of the council chamber. The next speaker on my list is the representative Jamaica. I call on him. Thank you, Mr. President. I would like, at the outset, to extend my delegations sincere congratulations on your assumption of the presidents of the council for this month. It's clear that the council will be confronted with a variety of complex issues and a fairly heavy workload throughout the duration of this month. With your renowned diplomatic experience, dedication and quiet efficiency, I'm sure that you will perform the duties of presidency in an exemplar manner. I should also like to pay tribute to your predecessor, my distinguished colleague from China, who guided our deliberations during the month of December with customary astuteness and wisdom. It's appropriate that I avail myself of this opportunity to welcome

the new members of the council, Nijie, Tunisia, the German Democratic Republic and the Philippines. These are all countries with which Jamaica has excellent relations, and my delegation looks forward to continued friendly, cooperative and constructive working relations with them in the council. We wish to express our warmest thanks to those countries and their delegations which have left the council. It was a privilege to work with them and to have enjoyed the close friendly cooperation which they showed. My delegation acknowledges the significant contribution they all made to the work of the council. As we begin a new year and a new decade, we must all be aware of the very serious economic and political circumstances which have emerged in the world in recent times and which pose a threat to peace, to progress and to development. In spite of these formidable manifestations of trouble and of conflict, many have dared to hope that the international community would

enter the new decade with a new spirit of determination balanced by the necessary restraint in order to overcome the major problems we face and to set new and more just and peaceful era on its way. The vision, the concepts which emerged and were being examined so thoroughly over the past few years could now be the subject of purposeful action towards their realization. Mr. President, recent developments in Central Asia have been a source of grave concern to my delegation. In spite of the fact that Jamaica is relatively far away from that area, the manifold implications of developments in the region leads us to the view that a serious threat exists to the maintenance of peaceful and cordial relations as well as of international peace and security. The security council is now seeking to exercise its responsibility under the chart of the United Nations in respect of the recent serious

developments relating to Afghanistan. My government has examined the available information on this matter and particularly in the light of the principles which form the fundamental basis of international affairs. The possible implications of these developments also form a part of our concern. The conclusions and to make us position are clear. They are summarized in a statement issued on 5 January by my Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and I quote, The evidence available today fails to establish that there was at the time of Soviet intervention any threat of external aggression directed against Afghanistan. To make regards the massive movement of Soviet troops into Afghanistan as being a case of intervention in the internal affairs of a sovereign non-aligned state and is of the view that this action represents a potential danger to international peace and security of that region. Jamaica, as a small developing country and a member of the non-aligned movement has consistently taken

a firm stand in the various international fora against any form of interference direct or covert in the internal affairs of states. The peculiar circumstances surrounding the latest change of government in Afghanistan thus a matter of grave concern to the government and people of Jamaica. We are unequivocally opposed to any action by any state which is not based on full respect for the sovereignty, equality and independence of states. We particularly oppose any action which circumscribes the right over people to freely choose their own socio-political system as well as their own government. It is imperative that peace, security and stability be restored to Afghanistan in accordance with the principles of the United Nations. This requires in the view of my government the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan as a necessary and indispensable step to enable the peoples of

that country to freely determine their own destiny free from outside intervention, coercion or constraint of any kind whatsoever. Finally, we would urge all states, especially those with a direct interest in this region, to exercise the utmost restraint and that the situation should not be seen as the occasion for intervention in Afghanistan by foreign troops from any other source. The sovereignty and territorial integrity and non-aligned character of Afghanistan must be respected and the internal problems of Afghanistan solved by the Afghan people themselves. Thank you, Mr. President. I thank the representative Jamaica for his statement and for his kind words to me. There are no more speakers on my list for this meeting. The next meeting of the Security Council in order to continue consideration of the item on the agenda will take place on Monday

at 10.30 a.m. meeting is adjourned. And so the President of the Security Council, Mr. Jacques Le Preth, the ambassador of France, has adjourned the meeting. The next meeting he says is at 10.30 tomorrow morning. Meanwhile, we understand that a resolution is being circulated, that is being sponsored by the non-aligned countries. We have with us, Jane Rosen, who is in a booth overlooking the floor of the United Nations. Jane writes for the British newspaper, The Guardian. Jane, that resolution is being co-sponsored by all the non-aligned on the council. Well, so far, it's sponsored by Bangladesh and co-sponsored by Niger, the Philippines, Zambia, probably by Tunisia. And Jamaica has not yet decided whether or not it will sponsor. Jamaica gave a rather strong speech in opposition to the Soviet intervention. Yes, it was surprisingly strong, but at the end, of course, the Jamaican delegate warned of the other powers not to use Soviet intervention as an excuse to intervene themselves in Afghanistan.

Yes, there's been a lot of talk about what are being called rebels opposing the central government of Afghanistan. I'd just like to mention that, for centuries, there have been Afghans in the mountain fastnesses of Afghanistan, who have been fighting the central government. The Soviet Union is saying, of course, that these people are now being supported by Pakistan, by China, and by other countries, what they call reactionary powers. Now this resolution is going, as you told us earlier, Jane, to deeply deplore the intervention of foreign forces, but not mention the Soviet Union, is that correct? It'll deeply deplore what they call the recent armed intervention, and it will call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops. It will not mention the Soviet Union. What do you make of deeply deplores, that pretty strong by UN standards? By UN standards, yes, I think it is. It reminds me of a nursery run that a Western delegate at the Security Council once wrote, each time this august group deplores, we feel a chill in all our pores. And if the Council should condemn, our lungs

might suffocate with flim. For surely there could be no nation, could stand such deep humiliation. I'm afraid that sums up the powerlessness of the Council at times like this. Yes, the Security Council did call for, the Security Council did not succeed in getting a resolution against the Soviet intervention in Hungary because it was vetoed by the Soviet Union. Then the issue then went to the General Assembly, and the General Assembly called for withdrawal, but the Soviet troops did not withdraw, same in the case of Czechoslovakia. It does, however, have the effect of rallying world public opinion, and I think that that is a worthwhile enterprise. Yes, there's also been great concern expressed here today, especially by the third world countries, that this will have a very serious deleterious effect on day-taunt, that it will hurt the efforts toward arms control. We all know, of course, that's all, too, is pretty much dead, and that if the countries, if the Soviet Union and the United States start sending a lot of money, spending a lot of

money on arms, they will have less to spend on development. While the Security Council, according to the President, will be meeting tomorrow morning again at 1030 on the Afghan question. The Secretary General is now in Washington reporting on his trip to Iran. When the Security Council meets again, public television will be there. Thank you, Jane. I want to thank you in cameras. I'm Marilyn Berger at WNET in New York. Reporting for this program has been provided in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.