Carla Eckels news segment

Kind of hard to see in here, there we are. If you look please give me your name and title please. My name is James M. Ross and junior I'm a United Methodist clergy person. I am also president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference of Los Angeles. That is the organization that King founded 1957 to redeem the soul of America. And how long have you been president? How have that always been? In Southern California where I've been the president I took a term in which I was asked to repeat for some 14 years and then I stepped down when we changed executive directors and staff to give them a chance to be open. And so there was only in 2002 was I asked to come back and be president again and so as of January 1, 2003. Okay. I know that. 15th year. Oh my goodness. On the NPR recently they had a story about South Central LA, they were changing the name

to I think they're South. They just wanted not to have that negative connotation. You know what I'm talking about? Yes. Yes, I know what you're talking about. But the part of the problem is that one of the effects of racism all across the country is that certain geographical sections of the city or community of rural area been typed as no, no, no section. This is historically the fear of the white power structures in those communities. So you don't think changing a name? No, I don't think lack of a change of name is going to do anything because I think the issue is the climate of racism, which is a spiritual climate, where there are people who are less than I am. Therefore where I think they mostly live is therefore less than where I live. That's really, that's really, it's the spiritual effects of racism which many, many, many

Americans are denying and in the denial there is great guilt and shame. And so it's an issue that we can hardly even talk about. Well, and of course it's happening all across America, you know, we talked about it a little bit yesterday and what is it that you'll be talking to the ministers about today? Well, the, the ministers meeting that is coming together noon is a continuation actually of a longer conversation at this morning and it is about how you pass to congregations in times of peril, in times of dysfunctionality, in times of violence and war, when, especially when you have a national government that has declared itself launching the nation into

perpetual war until the evil ones that we're calling terrorist are wiped out everywhere in the world. That, that effort pretends that U.S. security is rooted out there and not inside here. And a lot of people therefore are mesmerized by that notion that danger lurks there, not inside my own heart or inside my own community, inside my own nation. That is an effective racism because racism teaches many white Americans that the other is not just different but the other is strange and the other is unreliable and the other is

something to fear and that business of the other did not begin in the United States, it began in Europe in the 9th century and the 11th century. And this is something that we in the churches don't understand. The biblical faith is and it's very important to not be afraid at something that Moses said, it's something that Elijah said, it's something that Jesus said, be not afraid. But the notion in the Bible is that fearlessness comes from recognizing that God is your strength, that your life is gift of God, that God is the life force that allows you to overcome fear and to work out of moral courage and out of compassion and out of a vision of a

community that indeed is wholly in the sense of fulfilling the best that God would offer to human life. So what is it that witchic tens can do to perpetuate or to, well, not perpetuate necessarily, but the whole idea of non-violence, what can we do to be more unified? Well, I think that fundamentally authentic spirituality is the key to unity because until all Americans come to recognize that the Jeffersonian revolution of the 18th century is correct. And creator has created all human beings as equal, all are endowed with the likeness and image of God.

The sooner we can get rid of our, the sooner we can get rid of our fears and our animosities that some people are less than we are, sooner we can deal with our arrogance that we know better than they know. The better, and the fundamental way for this to happen is to discover a internal security in which we know that our life matters. Talk to me about, you went to visit Iraq, you were in Iraq, I believe it was in 2000, I think it was in 2000, yes, I think so. What was the experience like, and now obviously you're opposed to war, I'm just trying to get a sense for our listeners, your own experience and why you would not. Well a group of clergy, Muslim, Christian and Jewish primarily went to Iraq in March and we spent about ten days in Iraq.

It was an experience for me of grace because we did get into a number of mosques and churches and homes of people from whom I could discern no animosity or fears of me, but great anxiety that we were even then bombing them. I was astonished that I got into a home, we got into a home of a family, father and mother to adult brothers with their own families, and that was near Basra, in the south of Iraq, and this, when a bomb hit their street and their five-year-old son was killed, and the two or three-year-old boy had shrapnel in his back, and that family received us and offered us tea, and the mother is an English teacher so she could speak and translate for us.

What was your mission? Why were you there? To see for ourselves and to identify ourselves with the Iraqi people and not with our governmental sanctions. That was quite frankly, it was to say that we were a group of folk pastors of congregations and whatnot and that we wanted them to know among other things, that we did not concur with our government's policies, that was already causing havoc on a society that had become almost a middle-class society in the Middle East. Why don't you think about folks to say, well, I'm not necessarily in support of the administration, but I definitely want to support our troops that are fighting out. What do you think? I think that's the way that Hitlerian, Hitlerian philosophy allows us to pretend that the troops are there on their own or because they had a choice. They do not have a choice. They are under the orders of their commanders.

This is absolutely pushed very hard from the commander-in-chief down through the generals to the sergeants. They are not there in the choice. They were not allowed to vote on them. So what would you say? So I'm saying that I would say then that the best way to support our troops is to get them home, stop putting them in danger, stop insisting that the only way we can have democracy is by if they're willing to kill for us. I especially say to the leadership that the leadership determines we should have war should be the ones who go to war. Now I'm going to...I maintain it's a form of cowardliness. So how would you... For me it would be a sign of cowardliness for me to allow my sons to go to the war when I've made the decision. Well now I'm curious so what would be the solution?

What would you suggest? Well obviously in terms of Iraq, the United States must stop bullying the UN. Stop trying to tear the UN down. It's a product of World War II which we led to create. Now that we have this racist ideological philosophy that sees the UN as a danger instead of a bipartisan product of World War II, an urge to end war, an urge to create international law that permits nations to handle their conflicts without war. That is a marvelous work of God in the 20th century. So I'm going to say these idiots therefore, and I use that moral idiocy, ignorance, hitting that and trying to destroy and undermine the movement of justice and law on a world scale.

So our oil interest and big defense industry should be stripped of its power to shape American foreign policy. I'm going to... I bet they want to get to you so I'm going to ask you a couple of the quick questions about 1963, as I said I'm working on a story about the march and I mentioned I had talked to Diane Nash a few months ago about it. Can you tell me what was your experience? You were a national at the time? What was going on? Well, 1963, many of us were working in the Birmingham campaign at that time, I was living in... Oh yes, I was by this time a new resident of Memphis where I was pastor of the Centenary United Methodist Church, but I was a staff person for the campaign that was in and out of Birmingham. And we had...

And I'd been going in and out of Birmingham since 1958. I'm trying to get them to talk a little more because I want to make sure you're clear. That you're making? Could they talk a little softer? Could they talk a little bit? Okay, go ahead. And the net result of all of this was that in Birmingham, rather, as staff gathered and as we executed the movement there, as we pushed the movement there at all, we had of course lots of long sessions into the night about movement and strategy and where do we go from here and all that sort of thing, which was a part of every campaign almost. And so one of the things that happened in Birmingham that there was a very rigorous discussion about a March on Washington. And I think that that's where it originated from. Now we knew about the 1943 effort that didn't come off by a Philip Randolph, but such a March had never really come off.

So when it was proposed, it was with the notion that it would make a fitting piece in our struggle. And there were two sets of proposals, as I remember in those discussions. One set of proposals was to have a large March in Washington with a protracted struggle on the issues of the movement. Not just a single event, but a series of events. And some of our younger staff people proposed in fact that it should be basically a Birmingham like campaign in Washington DC. So there was that view. And then there was then the other view that talked about the notion of a March as a huge event that would basically have just a kind of a short-term address to the nation. Now, had you talked to Martin at that time about his speech, what was going on?

Martin was in those meetings. Oh my gosh. Okay. So he was part of this. Yes, I think he was. Okay. So he was a great member at least one session where both Martin and Biodd Reston were in the discussion. Now, he wrote the speech, right? A part of the speech? Right. Ruben had told me. I thought I had heard something about Biodd Reston. Well, part of the, I have a dream speech, is that not correct? I don't think so. Okay. Okay. I don't know. Maybe it was somebody else. Martin, to the best of his ability, did sit down and write out his speeches in long hand, his sermons. And so when he couldn't do it in long hand in that fashion, then he did make, he did make a quick outline of things. But by 1963, he had preached and spoken so much around the country that he had certain things very much in his mind and he could, you know, like a computer, shift this from there to here and put it. But I have a dream speech.

I'm not sure how many times he used it because I didn't follow him around. But he used that business of the dream on a number of occasions. You invited him to Nashville, right? To speak at the, what was the choice? Yes, our group. Our group invited him to Nashville in 1960. It was, I think, Kelly Millismith, who was our chair of our movement. And the National Christian Leadership Council is the one who did the actual invitation. But our group made the decision. We wanted them to be there for a mass rally. So. And then in Memphis, at the Sanitation Strike in 1968, I made the calls that brought him to LA. To Memphis. Tell me about him. What was your own personal relationship with Martin? Well, Martin became a very significant symbol for me as of December the 5th or 6th of 7th 1955. When the bus boycott began, and I saw his name for the first time on the front pages of the Nodport Times, where I was in India, I was a coach and campus minister at the time

for the Methodist Church as a missionary. And so he became a very important symbol and signed for me of one of my hopes for our country. And then I officially met him, shook his hand in February about February the 6th, 1957, when I got back to the United States. It was enrolled in Theological School in Obelden, Ohio. He came to speak. And I had the privilege then of having a lunch with him after that speech and where we met face-to-face and visited. And that's when he, among other things, told me I should come south as fast as I could. I am still used to being impressed with you. Well, it was a mutual feeling of kinship, intellectual, spiritual, moral kinship. It was good meeting. Unforgettable. And you think, and I'm going to let you in. And then I was, then, and then of course I did get to the south by merely in January.

I did my first workshop with him in January of February in Columbia, South Carolina as I remember. And it meant, it meant my work for the first couple of years that it was in the south meant I moved around the south in the trouble places and very often I would talk to him about some of the things I saw and met. I would write him letters on where I was and what had happened. And so we had a, basically, 11 years relationship and then of course in the Memphis Campaign, Memphis Sanitation Strike, I was chair of the Strategy Committee there at the 68 and kept him informed about it and said that we want you to come and speak one day, which of course didn't happen. What were you on April 4th, 1968? On April 4th, I spent a fair amount of the time in the court because we took the city to the federal court because they had enjoined us from demonstrating. So we fought that case and I was the key witness for the movement.

And Andrew Young was the key witness for Martin King and I are the two people that the city government sued and enjoined us from Martin and any others. And so I had called him immediately when it was taken out on us over the weekend I think it was and said that we're going to fight it immediately and so I had talked to lawyers by that time about it and he joined the fight and so when he got the town on Monday as I remember we met with the lawyers on a number of occasions. So on Thursday, April 4th, I'd agreed that we would talk early morning so I went by before I went to court. On my way to court we visited and then when I finished the court scene perhaps around two o'clock I got the judge to excuse me and then I went back by the hotel and we talked again about the court experience so I saw him twice on that Thursday.

Really? And what time? I don't know what time it was and he actually was killed. Then he was killed about six o'clock. The police log says that the Reverend Billy Kyle's knocked on the door at about ten minutes till six to go to supper and that King came out in the balcony about that time. So the shot apparently was around six o'clock. Did you think, did you have any sense that he may be killed or did you think he did it off? Well, you see, that's a very difficult question because King said on a number of occasions that he would be killed in the street. He said it to a number of people, he said it in staff meetings. I don't know if he preached it in a sermon ever, I don't remember. But why did he think that? Well, because from December 5th or 6th of 1955 until his death, his office, his phones

received literally 50 to 100 death threats a day. So death threats became a part of the way in which he had to journey on a daily basis. And then in addition to that, you have to remember Malcolm X was assassinated in 65, Medgar Evers was shot down in 63 or 64, I can't recall right now. But then remember that we had about in the movement in the South, we had somewhere in the neighborhood of a hundred people or so who were mostly shot down. Were you ever afraid for your life? In once or twice only.

Really? Yeah, I think only once or twice, yeah. What do you feel like the movement was bigger and you had to keep doing what you work? Well, actually the two occasions that I really recall were in Memphis and one doing the sanitation strike. And I had to basically take hold of my life, I said that sometimes I had to take myself by the scuff of the neck and determine that I would not operate out of that fear. I would operate out of strength and courage and go on. So in both those instances in Memphis that I really recall very well, I was determined that I would not permit fear to manage my life.

And of course the business in life is not being afraid, the business in life is allowing inward strength and courage to guide you and wisdom to guide you through the fear. Fear is not, courage is not the absence of fear, it is the presence of tenacity and courage to do what you believe that God wants you to do in the circumstances. And finally that will be something part of what you will be sharing today, just for the widgets or the clergy to think about and helping their colleagues. I don't know how I'm going to help the congregation, but we're going to do our best to help them in some fashion. Well, thank you so much for your time, I really appreciate it. And tomorrow morning, we're getting at 7 here on F-89. Support for all things considered on K-MUW comes from the Witchtoss Center for the Arts

Theater, presenting the Comedy Classic, Arseneck and Old Lays, Friday, Saturday and Sunday performances from all the way through the 20th, Curtin Times and Tickets Available at 634-ARTS. Mostly cloudy tonight, a lower 55 right now in the Witchtoss area, 79 degrees. 634-30. At 433, I'm Carla Eckles, K-MUW News. Governor Sibelius came to Witchtoss this morning to sign into law two pieces of legislation. Flanked by members of the Cedric County Legislative Delegation, Sibelius enacted the Star Bonds Bill, providing special bonds that local governments may use to develop major commercial, entertainment and tourism projects. She also signed House Bill 2332, which extends unemployment benefits. Currently, unemployed cansons receive up to 39 weeks of state and federal assistance. With House Bill 2332, workers in search of work will be provided an additional two weeks

of benefits. Sibelius uses morning's visit to announce the appointment of Witchtoss Attorney Richard Green to the Kansas Court of Appeals. Green has been an attorney for the law firm of Moore's Lang Evans-Brockin Kennedy since 1975. The governor cited Green's expertise in tax issues, commercial litigation, and oil and gas matters as essential to the Kansas Court of Appeals. Green has Sibelius's second appointee to the 11 member court of appeals. The first was Judge Thomas Malone, who served previously on the Cedric County District Court. Boeing says it will issue more layoff notices today to more than 1,000 employees, mostly in the Puget Sound area. The move is part of ongoing labor cuts resulting from the September 11 terrorist attacks. Chicago-based Boeing has said it plans to slash a total of 35,000 jobs by the end of this year. Kansas Triple A is collecting worn out auto batteries across the state this week as part of its great battery roundup.

According to Marvel, Kansas can take the old batteries to auto repair shops approved by the American Automotive Association. Triple A says dead batteries can discharge lead lead rather and sulfuric acid, creating potential hazards for humans and animals. Batteries also can explode in fires. Triple A says 95% of battery lead is recycled, but more than 5 million stray batteries were not returned to recycling plants last year. However, NPR comes from Allison and Ken Ross for support of the NPR endowment, helping to ensure NPR's financial future, www.NPR.org. Mostly cloudy tonight, a low around 55 right now in the Wichita area, 79 degrees. It's 436. To pour for all things considered on KMEW comes from the Contillion, 11120 West Kellogg, presenting at a James in the Roots band featuring Mike Finnegan, APM Sunday, May 11th, tickets available

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79 degrees. Coming up on FM 89, a new poll finds that a majority of Americans believe that high income people do not pay their fair share of taxes, but a majority also wants to do away with the estate tax, which is paid almost entirely by the rich. MPR John Hitzi reports on this apparent contradiction. And coming up later on Marketplace, as Iraq struggles with the first stages of reconstruction, one of the most important jobs right now is keeping the peace. Marketplace's Jeff Tyler takes a look at the privatization of security and police duties in Iraq and a group of Americans who are heading overseas to take over those posts. And in KMEW news, Governor Stabilia signed into law two pieces of legislation this morning in Wichita, details ahead on FM 89.

News from MPR is next, it's 501. At 504, I'm Carla Eccles, KMUW News, Governor Stabilia's came to Wichita this morning to sign two bills into law, House Bill 2332, at two weeks of unemployment benefits for unemployed Canton seeking work, House Bill 2208 establishes star bonds that local governments may use for major commercial, entertainment, and tourism projects. Also at this morning signing, Stabilia's announced her appointment of Wichita Attorney Richard Green to the Court of Appeals. Richard's years of experience in tax issues, commercial litigation, and oil and gas manners bring expertise essential to the Court of Appeals. He is extremely well qualified for this position, and I'm certain he'll do a great job. Green has been an attorney with the law firm of Moore's Lang Evans-Brocken Kennedy since

1975. In addition to his private practice, Green has served since 1996 as special counsel on sales tax litigation for the City of Wichita's water department. The state's two largest universities have towed the Kansas Board of Regents. They likely will want tuition increases of 20 percent for the coming academic year. The hikes are being sought one year after KU and K state increased tuition by 25 percent. The state's for smaller for-year public schools towed the Kansas Board of Regents yesterday that state budget cuts are forcing them to seek increases for undergraduate residents. The tuition increases could range from 9 percent at Fort Hay State to 18.8 percent at Wichita State. Pittsburgh State expects the sick and increase of 14 to 15 percent, and Emporia State is looking at 13 percent to 16 percent. The Regents are scheduled to act by June. Support for MBR comes from Nancy and Barry Sanders for support of the MBR Fund for new initiatives helping to develop MBR's new programming and new media.

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firm practices in the area. Kick off the Wichita River Festival with Admiral Windwagon Smith as your host. It's the Admiral's Ball, a magical evening filled with entertainment, food, a live auction, dancing to the music of Wichita's own, grateful not to be dead. The evening begins at 7 p.m. Saturday, May 10th, at Century Two Convention Hall. KMUW, Wichita Public Radio, is sponsoring this event. Call us to find out more, 978-6700. Support for Marketplace on KMUW comes from the Ketzillion-11120 West Kellogg, presenting at a James and the Roots band featuring Mike Finnegan, 8 p.m. Sunday, May 11th, tickets available at all select-a-seat locations, information at 722-4201 or online at www.theketzillion.com. Support for Marketplace on KMUW comes from the Orphium Theatre, presenting the favorite

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