The Road to Brown

Major funding for this program was provided by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting the University of Virginia the William Penn Foundation and the Virginia Foundation for humanities and public policy. Additional funding was provided by the following foundations and individuals. Here in Chester County South Carolina the high school population is half

black and half white. Meaning that they don't come out of these doors right May. Jeff Brown is the principal. It hardly seems remarkable today. But only 35 years ago. An integrated school with a black man as principal. Not only would it have been unthinkable here. It would have been against the law. Few of these students realize that once there were laws which would have kept black and white children out of the same school all the same buses and not too long ago. They couldn't even legally share the same drinking fountain. This. Is Chester County. Then. During the era of segregation. The era of Jim Crow. These old scenes were shot by a brilliant little known black lawyer

Charles Hamilton Houston. In 1934. Houston crisscrossed the south documenting any qualities between schools for whites. And schools for blacks. Charles Hamilton Houston would lead one of the great legal campaigns of the 20th century. The struggle to destroy Jim Crow. A struggle whose crucial victory would come in the landmark 1954 Supreme Court decision Brown versus Board of Education. Today. Few people know the name of Charles Hamilton Houston. The man who killed Jim Crow. This is his story. And the story of how African-Americans won for themselves the equal protection of the Constitution. This is the story of the road to brown.

The road to Brown begins in Jamestown Virginia. Just 12 years after the first permanent English settlement in the New World there in 16 19 20 African slaves were sold into bondage. It wasn't long before colonial laws were defining black slaves as property not people. When the American colonists declared their independence in 1776 they boldly asserted that all men are created equal but they didn't include the slaves. The Constitution of the new United States of America specifically permitted

slavery in 1857. The Supreme Court reaffirmed the exclusion of African-Americans from the Constitution and the Dred Scott decision. Chief Justice Tony wrote that the framers of the Constitution believe negroes were quote so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect. The Dred Scott decision set the stage for the civil war. For. As Abraham Lincoln said to determine if this nation could endure a half slave. And half. Free. You. Move. Normal. No no. No. No.

Me me me me me me long on the nose with the North. Victory's slavery was finally abolished by the 13th Amendment to the Constitution the 14th Amendment then guaranteed all citizens equal protection of the laws and then the 15th Amendment established the right of black citizens to vote. But in 1877 as federal troops were withdrawn from the south state legislatures began passing new laws to undo the gains African-Americans had made under the 13th 14th and 15th Amendments. As with Dred Scott the Supreme Court would give constitutional sanction to racial discrimination.

It was in 1896 in a case called Plessy vs. Ferguson it was this sanction which Charles Houston would dedicate his life to overturning. In 1895. Black people in Louisiana. Decided to test the constitutionality of the new law. One sequestration law required separate railroad cars for Negro passengers. Homer Plessy sat down in a car reserved for whites and was arrested because of the 14th Amendment and its equal protection clause. Plus they never imagined the Supreme Court would rule against him. But it did. The court upheld his conviction and a decision which would shape race relations for half a century in Plessy versus Ferguson. It ruled the 14th Amendment could not have been intended

to abolish distinctions based upon color or a commingling of the races and the tragedy plus is that having then the hell that you could discriminate. On trade. The doctrine that was applied to a whole host of other areas to all public accommodations to boxing matches to education. And in some instances in the early years of the housing and it gave the imprimatur about the law and a marker could give the blacks what it couldn't do to ours or Italians or Jews. Plus the decision introduced a new phrase into the language. Separate but equal. 21 states would soon pass segregation laws under the protection of Plessy. The turn of the century saw the existence of two Americas one white and one. Color.

Colored. America could not eat and white restaurants play in white cloths die in white hospitals or be buried in white cemeteries. Oklahoma even segregated phone booths. Mississippi segregated coke machines in Atlanta. A negro witness could not swear on white Bibles. Florida's segregated not only the schools but even the textbooks in storage. If you want to ride the bus. But don't nickel in the slot and you go into the back of the sedan and shut up. And if you came in get buses a white person wanted my seat. I got up and gave you beshi. We were not supposed to mix three races that would. The law to abide bad bad. Otherwise you would do jail. It was just a simple. This was the era. Of Jim Crow. That's a song that I'm singing about people

all know just black and white. This is what it say to you. Why. All right. If you stick around you blind. Brother. Good bye good bye. The promise of the 14th Amendment. The promise of equality before the law had been derailed. And in practice many black people had been removed from the protection of the law altogether. The Jim Crow era was a time of unprecedented racial violence. Over 2000 African-Americans were lynched in the first years of this century. The.

Match for. Blood on. The. Black that is a. Very. Strange route. From. Me. This was the divided America in which Charles Hamilton Houston grew up. He was born in 1895 in Washington D.C. one year before the policy decision. One. Interesting thing about Charles. Is.

That it was very clear from the beginning that he had come from a privileged background. In relationship to the majority of African Americans. Who had. Come from a family in which his mother at one time teacher. His father. Was a lawyer. His father was the head of his own law firm. Charles had an opportunity to attend a high school that was designed Peyre black students for college. Houston went to Amherst College in Massachusetts one of the only black students in the school. He graduated summa cum laude at the top of his class in 1950. He left school acutely aware of his minority status as a black man but he had no plans for a life of legal or political activism. That. Was about change.

Along with 200000 other black men Houston volunteered for duty in World War 1. The war to make the world safe for democracy. But he served in a segregated Army. Although Houston was an officer. That didn't protect him from Jim Crow. He and the other black officers were given substandard housing next to a tree. They were often restricted to base and harassed constantly overseas in France. Houston even had to face off a lynch mob of white soldiers. Houston later but right. The hate and scorn showered on us negro officers by our fellow Americans. Convinced me there was no sense in my dying for a world ruled by them. I made up my mind that if I got through this war I would study law

and use my time fighting for men who could not strike back. Once back in the United States Houston found Jim Crow more entrenched than ever. In 1919 there were 78 lynchings. Ten of the victims still wearing their army uniforms. In 1922 the Lincoln Memorial was dedicated in Houston's hometown Washington D.C.. The people for whom the Civil War was fought. Watch the ceremony behind a rope designated colored. Thus Charles Houston began to see even more clearly that it was the administration of law. The lack of justice was a primary concern for him so that when he went to law school he fully intended to begin to study the law with you towards being able to use the law to change that situation for his people.

In 1920 Charles Houston took his first step down the road to Brown. He entered Harvard Law School. Houston became the first black editor of the prestigious Harvard Law Review and one of his professors. Future Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter called him one of the most brilliant students he'd ever taught. After graduation Houston undertook a survey of black lawyers. In the entire South. He found fewer than 100 black lawyers serving nine million black people. Houston wrote in The Journal of Negro Education the great work of the negro lawyer in the next generation must be in the south and the law schools must send their graduates there and stand squarely behind them as they wage their fight for true equality before the law.

You didn't realize that a legal challenge to the Jim Crow laws would require a cadre of young black lawyers armed with a zeal for social justice. Houston got the chance to forge this team in 1929. He was appointed dean of the Howard University Law School in. Houston raise the standards improve the faculty strengthen the curriculum and the school accredited. From Maryland came Thurgood Marshall a tall gangly youth who will become the first black justice on the Supreme Court from Virginia. There was Oliver Hill who would become the first black to be elected to the Richmond City Council. Houston's own cousin William Hastey joined the faculty and would later become the first black federal judge. Charles Schuster was gathering the forces to fight a war a

legal war against Jim Crow. What he did was to use the law school. As a breeding ground for testing issues on the faculty with the students. And then as Houston began to to be called upon by. Lawyers in communities across the United States. In the United States became the classroom his classroom. Houston was ready now to take on Jim Crow. Only one thing was missing. Houston needed an organization linked to the black community an organization capable of broadening the attack on Jim Crow. That organization would be the NAACP. Or

the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People I found in 1999 in response to the rising tide of racial violence. Charles Houston was appointed special counsel in 1934. It was now almost 40 years since the Plessy separate but equal decision legalized segregation. For. Most people except that Jim Crow was a permanent part of American life. But Houston had spotted a weakness in Jim Crow law. In a report to the NAACP National Committee Houston outlined a long term strategy for overturning segregation. The battle he believed could be won if fought in the schools. Houston wrote discrimination in education is symbolic of all the more drastic discriminations which negroes suffer in American life the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment furnishes the key to

ending separate schools. Houston proposed a two stage attack on segregation and the Plessy decision rather than challenge the separate but equal principle. Houston would first file precedent cases demanding that blacks be made absolutely equal to white schools. Only then would he attack the principle of separateness itself. Charles Houston and other black lawyers did understand that you have to look at the entire system of the United States and particularly the way in which the judicial system functioned and it functioned in relationship to precedent. It functioned in relationship to judicial restraint. There would not be an immediate decision on the part of a Supreme Court justice to overturn

precedent to rule that something was unconstitutional unless some round one had been laid devise strategy. First of all when he attacked the separate but equal theory his real thought behind it was that all right if you wanted separate but I will make it so expensive for you to be separate that you will have to abandon your separate Now. And so that was the reason he started demanding salaries for teachers equal facilities in the school and all of that. The week after his appointment as special counsel to the NWC P. Houston picked up a movie camera and headed for the backroads of South Carolina to document the inequalities between black and white education. Within three months of becoming special counsel Houston had made a film. About a

strategy and filed his first case against the University of Maryland Law School. Jim Crow was being taken to court. Donald Murray had been denied admission to the University of Maryland Law School the only law school in the state on the basis of his race. Charles Houston brought suit in municipal court. When the day came to argue the case. Houston asked the community to dress up and attend the trial. Week crowd in that courtroom on that day and you know never forget it. And Charles Houston Thurgood Marshall started off with them. And the judge never even having left the fans were so moved by the logic

and the simplicity of Charles Houston's word and Thurgood Marshall that he or the University of Maryland to at Donald gays marry to the University of Maryland Moscow. But you said this young man has been denied his constitutional right to enter that University of Maryland Law School. Your constitutional right is personal question and maybe. Since there were no black law schools in Maryland the court ordered the State University to admit Murray. Houston's legal campaign had scored its first victory. One week later at the 1935 convention Houston announced the marriage breakthrough presented his film and persuaded skeptical delegates to back his strategy.

Houston's next move was to send out Thurgood Marshall Oliver Hill and the other young attorneys to equalize teachers salaries. Teachers had long held the most respected positions in the black community. Yet their salaries were a fraction of their white counterparts. Houston knew their support would be key in mobilizing black communities in the south for the larger fight against Jim Crow. Modjeska second stop school was NWC the secretary for many years in South Carolina. I was out of the by standing in line to get a cage and there was a white teacher about me in front of me talking. I mean just talking in line and in the course of the conversation I found out that she was teaching she asked me. When they counted out.

The money. Counted out the money to her. She was getting zapped twice as much as I was getting old. I was a teaching sixth grade but I was white. Now that that went on in the South for years and years well no matter what you were doing the white man's work was dis motivated and a black man's word no matter what category of profession it was. So what I'm saying is I made the call. To Charles H. And in Maryland at an all school principal Steven Wright was chosen by his fellow black teachers to ask Charles Houston and the NAACP to help them equalize their salaries with the white teachers. The next morning Wright was confronted by the white district superintendent. And. He said and told me everything that had happened that me the night before. And then said to me. Now Mr. Wright you've got to make up your mind. And make up your mind whether or not

you're going to be a good school man. Or a good NAACP me. I said Mr. Orum. I don't see the conflict. He said I'll do my best to see this you do. And I shook my head and stood up. She had me out. Of course he fired me at the end of that year. By the end of the next school year which is 1939. Houston and Marshall had gotten enough cases. To force the equalization of salaries at the entire Maryland state level. Right then I decided that I would work for him. And from then on. And at present the membership chairperson of the local branch and. I just will be an advocate because it might seem selfish to say this but I think when you touch people's lives personally it becomes

real to you. And of course it became real for me. In case after case Southern school districts were forced to equalize teachers salaries. Black teachers saw their paychecks double. The. Support for the legal attack on Jim Crow group. The next step on the road to Brown would be the Gaines case. Charles H. Brought this case. Into the law school. Of Thought is the only time in my life. Or grade school high school college or graduate school or professional school that I ever had class. But even though I was a teenager I had heard of Charles 80's. And I had a lifelong ambition to be a liar

myself. And when I heard that Charles Houston was coming to Jefferson City Missouri I cut cloth. And went to the Supreme Court of Missouri that day and I was real Gaines was a citizen of Missouri and he had the temerity to believe that since the state had only one law school that he should be able to attend the Missouri Supreme Court. Tragically and a unanimous opinion by state courts there but said there were schools available in Nebraska and in Illinois and Iowa which would except blocks that gains would have to go to one of the schools bordering Missouri rather than to go into his own native land. But now Houston could appeal the Missouri court's ruling to the Supreme Court. Unlike the Murray case a decision here would apply to all the states and

by a market Jefferson opinion by Chief Justice Hughes they held that that was a violation of the Equal Protection Clause. But even if the state was going to provide separate education it couldn't provide separate education outside state. With the Games victory. The precedents against segregation were mounting higher and higher. Jim Crow was headed for a showdown in the U.S. Supreme Court. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh. No. In 1940. After six years of Special Counsel Houston left the

NAACP. By now there was a small but growing network of black civil rights attorneys almost all trained by Houston and William Hastey at Howard Houston's former student and assistant. Thurgood Marshall was named his successor Marshall's NAACP team would continue to challenge on equal facilities in higher education. Meanwhile Houston switched his attention to attacking segregation and transportation public accommodations housing and labor. These cases provided additional precedents for the final assault on Plessey. One of these cases. Attacked preferential hiring in the railroad industry. And. Why. Firemen in the early days was because I was a lousy job you get em your strokin coal and it was an ugly job and it didn't pay to very much for it. All of a sudden. That diesel engine or

fireman has to do as well as livable as leave room said James. Well you can imagine what the whites. How quickly they went after those jobs. Well Charlie them. Was a genius. He won a case for Steelcase. And where that was declared illegal. Why the white union to negotiate to give the jobs that the black firemen had to white firemen just because they were now easy jobs. It seemed as if Charles Houston never arrested. He sued to integrate the armed forces in defense industries after World War II. He served on President Roosevelt's Fair Employment Practices Commission wrote a regular column for The Baltimore Afro-American. He testified before Congress led protest marches and rallies in 1947 Houston wrote.

We may not win today or tomorrow. The mills of the gods grind slowly but the storm gathers and all the pride and power of the prejudiced whites will be swept away because they have repudiated the brotherhood of man. 0 3 0 0 0 3. Houston was cautioned by his doctor to cut back on his work his already weak heart had been aggravated by the stress of his travels and endless litigation. But although his heart condition steadily deteriorated. Houston worked his normal 14 to 19 hour days. He was a workhorse. He dedicated his whole life to law to justice to legal matters and people I can't recall a single

social event I can recall one in which Charlie went to. I can recall one man what. Is interesting to me to watch this man work shirtsleeves. And all eyes shade on. Is the door open and bent over. A big book. Reading it very closely and making notes. This was his method day in and day out until he had achieved what he wanted to do. The thing about Houston that impressed me so much was that fact that he did not realize. His own great. Oh. No. No. No.

The Charles Hamilton Houston died of heart failure on April 22nd 1958 when. He was 54 years old. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh. Oh oh. Really. That was just the sense of such a loss. And almost a sense of how could this have happened to a man who did so much good. And whose life was still needed. And he literally I mean you talk about somebody who literally gave his life for the cause because he had this heart trouble heart attack. And the doctors told him that he had to rest and he said I can't.

And then he had a favorite saying he used to say I would rather die on my feet. And live on my knees. And he literally died on the. Field. Just before his death. Houston had sensed the tenor of the times were changing. In 1947 Jackie Robinson integrated major league baseball. The next year President Truman ordered the integration of the armed forces. The Times Houston felt were ripe for intensifying the assault on the Plessy decision. Houston said. Now the NWC is making a direct. Open. All out fight. Against segregation itself. On the grounds. There is no such thing as.

Separate but equal. That the only reason colored people are segregated is to prevent them. From receiving equality. The NAACP had taken the case of Heyman's sweat. A black male man who wanted to study law at the University of Texas. What occurred and what we paid for was that they then built a completely separate law school for this one block. And the issue became whether that was a violation of equal protection clause. United States Supreme Court and a unanimous opinion held that the mission the denial of admission to swap was a violation of the 14th Amendment rights because. I said what makes a great law school. It's not merely a building. It's not merely a teacher quotes of history. It's a long night. It's hard to teach.

It represented a case in which the Supreme Court the first time in this century ordered rationally why were previously all white institutions. And though Halma happily years later in 1948 a young woman wanted to go the University of Oklahoma law school. Her name was the lowest Sepinwall and at about the same time a black man wanted to go to graduate school. University of Oklahoma His name was Dr. Laura MacLaurin was a distinguished gentleman probably 60 years or older. From Oklahoma you talk to black callers and they wanted to get a Ph.D. or probably doesn't have as much money as Texas or they weren't about to put up a complete new school of education for one block to get his Ph.D.. So what they did was they admitted him

but segregated him and required him to sit in the hall while the other students were in the class room. He was quite a separate table in the library and either the separate table in the cafeteria and went back to this court on that and put that down as unconstitutional pointing out that obviously lots a black was a medic you could segregate the still within the institution. The groundwork was now set. With the sweat and McLaurin decisions. The president's chipping away at the separate but equal doctrine were mounting up. The time had come to put the very idea of separate on trial to prove that separate schools could never be equal. Just two years after his death Charles Houston strategy to end legal

segregation was put to the final test. By a. Seven year old Linda Brown had sued to attend a well-equipped white school just three blocks from her home. Instead of having to cross a railroad yard and then ride the bus a mile to a black school. Brown vs. Board of Education was not just her case but for other desegregation lawsuits from across the country consolidated by the Supreme Court into one critically important national case. Fittingly. The last case included was a Washington D.C. suit. Begun by Charles Houston. Thurgood Marshall had become the chief coordinator for the brown strategy. Once Houston student. Now marshals stood in Houston shoes. He was chief

counsel to the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. For this most important case of all Marshall relied not only on his expert team of NAACP lawyers including Constance Moxley Robert Carter. Jack Greenberg James neighbored Oliver Hill and Louis Redding but he called upon leading scholars and educators from around the nation. I never have seen such work such commitment such dedication such energy. As was put into that undertaking. They kept this up we can and we go. So that when the arguments began in December of 1953. They felt they were ready for opposing Marshall as chief counsel for segregation was John W. Davis. Davis had argued over 140 cases before the Supreme Court. More than any other attorney in this century a formidable world famous legal opponent.

On December 9th 1952 spectators filled every seat in the Supreme Court and 400 people lined up in the corridors hoping to hear the four most legal minds argue about segregation and the meaning of the Constitution. Thurgood Marshall and his team argued that segregated schools Mark black children with a stab of inferiority and affected their ability to learn. They argued that such suffering denied black people the equal protection of the law guaranteed by the 14th Amendment. John Davis's argument relied on the Plessy decision to justify segregation. He felt confident it would yield him yet another legal victory. He was. Of the opinion that all of the precedents were on his side. Well what he really meant was that he had Percy Ferguson on his side because he had failed. It seems to me in thinking that he could win the case to consider the

build up by all of the other cases that the A C C group and others were Mountney. For 17 months. The fate of segregation in America hung in the balance. Oh oh oh oh. On May 17 1954 the Supreme Court handed down the decision that Charles Houston had begun fighting for 20 years earlier. In a unanimous decision the Supreme Court ruled in the brown case to separate children solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be done in the field of public education. Separate but equal has no place separate educational

facilities are inherently an equal. Any language in Plessy vs. Ferguson contrary to this finding is rejected. It is so ordered a May 17th 90 day I was down and over the radio came you and the Supreme Court voting today that racial segregation in the public school is inherently unequal and unconstitutional. So it was like being born naked. It was true. And people were coming out in the streets.

We. Had. A. A. A. A. A. A. A. A. A. Charles Houston once said nobody needs to explain to a negro

the difference between the law and the books and the law and action. Despite the Brown decision southern states defiantly upheld segregation. They waged a campaign of DeLay's obstruction and violence they called massive resistance. This nation was originally constituted as a government of laws not of men. We are going to find out if this is still true. Elected officials played to racist sentiment. Some state governments even declared the Brown decision unconstitutional. Across the south a resurgent Ku Klux Klan often with the support of local police terrorized anyone who tried to implement the Brown decision. Black schools and churches with bomb children and civil rights workers murdered. Though attorney Arthur shores and his family were attacked and the court ordered Birmingham schools integrated.

And the night after that order came down. Happened to my homework. You. Just look. Nobody was. Injured. Well two weeks later. When the first black and white school. Two weeks later. They really into my house. Despite the violence and intimidation there were by now dozens of able civil rights lawyers carrying on the work of Charles Houston. The Brown decision applied only to education. But these attorneys prosecuted Jim Crow and every other walk of life. Housing restaurants transportation. Voting. Using Brown. As a precedent. Now once that decision. Is rendered the Supreme Court. It was easy to get a court to strike down state

and lost racial segregation in all of the areas of public life of the American community so that there wasn't a single area that anybody could think of in 1964. Ten years after Brown the surgeon and which there the Supreme Court had rendered some kind of decision barring segregation. But it did take a mass movement of. People willing to put their bodies on the line to give life to these new legal principles. And triggered the social revolution which would transform the south and Barry Jim Crow. Atlanta Congressman John Lewis son of a sharecropper. Was arrested 40

times during those troubles don't appear at all so people literally grew up overnight. Young people young black people sitting in a. Restaurant on a lunch counter right on a bus to Montgomery marching in Selma on the streets of Birmingham. Roll up because people are saying the law is on our side. Each night on television the Civil Rights Movement educated all of America about the meaning of the Constitution. The whole country had finally become Charles Houston's classroom. Charles mortgager was a civil rights attorney during those turbulent years major events and all over the United States. Every night on election night every night people in the United States watch the news every night. They made up their minds. And as they made up their minds they forced the Congress of the United States to confront the issue make up its mind and pass the civil rights bills.

One by one the barriers set up by Plessy and Jim Crow crumbled in 1956 Montgomery buses are integrated in 1957 a reluctant president Eisenhower orders troops to protect black students integrating little rock schools. In 1960 students sit in segregated lunch counters. In 1961 Freedom Riders integrate interstate buses. Finally in 1964 Congress passed. The Civil Rights Act. And in 65 the Voting Rights Act committing the federal government to enforce the constitutional rights of all its citizens. Almost 100 years after the 14th and 15th Amendments were first adopted. Birmingham.

1990. As a result of Charles Houston's campaign and the civil rights movement it helped to launch. The political balance of power across the south is changing. Birmingham. Once the city where fire hoses and biting dogs attack civil rights demonstrators now has a black mayor. Civil rights Donald Watkins is special counsel to Mary Arrington of Birmingham as well as three other Alabama mayors. You know we stand here in front of the governor's mansion and we can look right over there at the guard station and you'll see black guards there who would not have been there except for litigation that was found in the early 1970s recent United States Supreme Court cases. So laws can change the quality of life. Civil rights law you can give life to those laws. We've got plenty laws on the books but if you don't have law you're so willing to go in the court room and battle for these individuals. You all you have is a bunch

of empty words and phrases. The laws are different now thanks to Charles Houston and others laws no longer keep these Chester High School students out of the same schools and off the same buses. Legal segregation is over. But the legacy of Jim Crow remains one of every three black people lives in poverty. Only two of every hundred elected officials are black. For every 10 black students did not finish high school. The road to a just society. The road shows Houston took us so far along did not and with brown it is a road present and future generations of Americans must continue to travel. I do it because I owe that to all those people who dat who God be who march who didn't have big names and fancy titles and fancy degrees

who hail the doors open for me at the University of Alabama. I didn't get in the University of Alabama because I was the smartest black person there were smart black people long before Donald Watkins who couldn't get in. Simply because of their color and it's my obligation it is my duty. Just like I believe is the duty of every black lawyer is out in private practice to take up his or her fair share of the civil rights cases and do it as long as I can talk while they hear and practice the law and make sure that I can keep the door open for as many people as I can just as the door was kept open for me. In 1949. Five years before the Brown decision and 15 years before the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Charles Houston made a prediction and expressed his hopes for the future. As well. It is far.

Far away that has taking place. Right. Now. Thank you. So. Much. Yes all. The more c.

B b b b b b b. A b. Now lonely. Lonely lonely. When home on me.

We come to a or. B or C B B C Major funding for this program was provided by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. The University of Virginia the William Penn Foundation and the Virginia Foundation for humanities and public policy. Additional funding was provided by the following foundations and individuals. To purchase a video cassette of the road to brown contact

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