Louisiana: The State We're In; 232; Legislative Coverage #2
- Transcript
Production funding for this program was provided in part through contributions to Louisiana for educational television. The following program is an LBB public affairs production. Louisiana, the state we're in, with Beth George and Ron Bloam. Good evening, welcome to this legislative edition of Louisiana, the state we're in. This week on in-depth, we take a look at two very different legislative coalitions. Report as notebook checks on the energy beat. Procon examines the courses offered at the state's vote text schools, and we profile an
outspoken member of the governor's cabinet. But first, this week's legislative highlights. One picked up in the House and Senate during this second week of the session, as lawmakers have now introduced over 1,000 bills. The deadline for filing proposed legislation is Monday at midnight. The House's week gave its overwhelming approval to a bill that would extend a freeze on hiring to all branches of state government. Under such a law, special permission must be given to fill each new vacancy. Governor Edwards imposed a hiring freeze on state workers under his control last year. Irish tax successors would get a 20% pay hike under a plan approved by the House this week. Some lawmakers attacked the raise as excessive, but failed in efforts to change the increase. Like the freeze on hiring, the assessor's pay bill now goes to the Senate for concurrence. The House also went along with an administration proposal this week and voted to grant a small increase in welfare payments. If the Senate agrees, families with dependent children will get an extra $6 a month, while general assistance goes up by $4 a month.
No Sanders achieved justice of the Louisiana Supreme Court addressed a joint meeting the legislature this week, and said a funding compromise offered to the court by the governor was acceptable. Beyond that, Sanders skirted any mention of his recent feud with the governor over a libel decision that was reversed by the High Court. For several years, Governor Edwards has put off a decision on whether to support a first use tax. A tax that would apply to gas produced in federal waters, which then passes through the state on the way north. On Tuesday, after meeting with the group of experts, the governor decided the tax was a good idea. Government have been many conferences with representative Tozan others, both from a legal and political and a financial standpoint. And after two years of looking at it, have come to the conclusion, this is something we not only should but must do. We have to concern ourselves with the needs of Louisiana, recognize that we have a declining tax base and own short production, recognize that we have a large state debt, which we ought to now begin to plan to evaporate.
And I believe that maybe 10 years from now, if we succeeded this, we will have probably the only state in the nation that has no state debt. Here are a few brief political notes on the week. Senator Jesse Knowles of Lake Charles said he will run for Lieutenant Governor. He's the second announced candidate. Representative Mike Thompson of Lafayette, a recent convert to the Republican Party, says he will run for Congress against incumbent John Bro, and Henry Braden of New Orleans became Senator Braden, following an unsuccessful challenge to his special election victory. There are 146 members in the Louisiana legislature, some work alone, while others work together in pursuit of their legislative goals. This week, the state will take a look at two of the coalitions. The black caucus, nine members strong and two years old. His mission to consolidate black political clout. Its main goal this session is to make sure that black people get their fair share of state programs and state spending. Another legislative coalition now in its second year is the legislative study group, more
commonly known around the capital as the conservative caucus. Depending on who's doing the counting, the number of members in this loosely knit coalition ranges from 12 to 2 dozen. Their mission is to tighten the reins on state government, and this past week they unveiled a 14-bill package of so-called reform laws. But how much power do the caucuses have? In Canada, legitimately claimed credit for bills that have already become law. How's Speaker Bubba Henry? Well, I think there was some good legislation introduced last year, in which certain members, perhaps all members of the so-called conservative caucus authored that legislation with other members of the House and sometimes the Senate, of course the legislation passed, and we all like to take credit for good legislation, and then I just want to take credit for bad legislation, but how they, you have to look at the mood of the House, the mood of the Senate, and I think the tenor there asks for certain pieces of legislation, which are called good government pieces of legislation, it's easy to jump on those issues after they've developed.
But I don't think that there's any group in the House that could carry it the day on any particular day unless they had an extremely good issue. Representative John Scott of Alexandria is chairman of the Independent Study Group, or conservative caucus, and to an extent he agrees with Speaker Henry that issues bring the votes more than caucus allegiance. Well, to me, I think it's important that the bills speak for themselves. I don't particularly want anybody to vote for any bill that I'm for, just because I'm for it. You know, as a matter of personality, the bills should be just in their own merits. I think we have 14 outstanding proposals that deal with very real state problems that have been ignored year after year. We think from retirement to inefficiency and public administration to the growing budget, to the fact that we've increased the number of state employees in the state by 56 percent in the last five years, although the population's only gone up 3 percent. We've tripled our budget in the same timeframe. It's just getting out of hand, and we've just got to do something about it. Retirement systems are actually wearily unsound. We now spend over one-third of our budget comes from the federal government.
We're coming dependent upon federal funds. We're losing our legislative independence, so we've got to attack these kind of problems now and not allow them to get any worse than they already are. And other members of the legislature also recognize those problems, and so when good bills or offering solutions to those problems are put forth, then naturally they gain support. And that's the reason why we feel like we're being successful. Well, how important is your organization to meeting those legislative goals? You say you're latched on to some attractive issues, is having an organization important to getting the message? Yes, I think it is, like this morning, for instance. The VOTEC curricula bill is before the Education Committee. And I think it's very important that the members of that committee be solicited to review the merits of the bill, and the reason why it's important for us to expand the VOTEC curricula with 55,000 jobs open and available in this state, yet we have 60,000 people on employment. So obviously we need to give people the job training necessary to fill these jobs, and that's what that bill's ain't been doing.
So this morning's a good example in the VOTEC bill. We need to work that committee and get it out of committee and pass it through the House and through the legislature. So as a coalition, you will be talking about the members. Political action is very important. We need to inform people. Representative Scott, last fall, your organization was opposed to raising the corporate income tax to provide the money needed for the teacher pay raise. We still think that was a rise decision. Yes, I think we have, with the facts have proven us to have been absolutely correct on the issue, the public is being misled drastically. They think that those tax raises are going to the teachers when it's not true at all. The Governor outlined his budget two weeks ago, it contains $80 million of brand new programs or expanded programs, expanded services, is what he calls them, and totally new spending programs. That's $80 million worth. And we have a $50 million surplus in the state budget. Obviously, those two new taxes, the personal income tax increase and the corporate income tax increase were unnecessary. And there may be some action taken by our group to try to do something about that during
this session also. What kind of action just aiming at cutting out some of those programs? Well, we've got our own that personal income tax increase. We think for one thing, the people were fooled on that. It was called an adjustment, and many people are having their income taxes doubled and tripled and quadrupled as a result of this so-called adjustment. And we just may make a move to try to repeal that personal income tax increase that was passed last year. More closely needed in their political coalition is the Black Caucus, which last weekend sponsored an issues workshop to develop this year's legislative program, a program that will center mostly on economic issues. The caucus is also active beyond the halls of the legislature, as evidence last Wednesday when Governor Edwards called them to the mansion to discuss growing turmoil on the southern university campus. Baton Rouge Representative Richard Turnley chairs the Black Caucus and he says the organization is very important to the achievement of their legislative goals. I think it's very important because through a collective effort, I think you can get far more done.
We found this out when we lobbied for the set-as-ide bill that was passed this past year. And I feel that it provides for our uniformity, it provides for strength, and it allows the people that we represent to know that there is a concerted effort to deal with common issues that are important to the our natural constituency. And therefore I think it's a very definite need to have such a collective group effort. So to go back to some of the lessons that were learned with block voting and that if you all ran off in different directions you couldn't get anywhere, but by acting as a group even though you're still small you can get a lot more accomplished. Oh yes, I think that I don't like to wear the block voting, but I would imagine that if we collectively vote together on certain issues and individuals that we can fashion out of that the type of representation that we demand and the type of legislation that would
be to our benefit. Do you think your organization has been able to put together considerable clout? Yes we have. They're very definitely I think that we have gained a respect of individuals in the house and in the senate and other person in the leadership role. I think that they view our efforts as one of really trying to deliver goods and services to the people that we represent and with that in mind I think we will get a lot of cooperation from a lot of individuals and groups. Do you see a role for the black caucus outside of the legislative process or role saying getting more blacks into the legislature? I can see our efforts being channeling area of vote education and voter registration. I can see our efforts in an area of economic development. I can not see us totally get enough into the total political aspect of it because I think
that would be counterproductive but in viewing certain conditions and our communities throughout the state of Louisiana I think we can be very helpful in calling to the attention of those that represent these various areas and make them produce. After Governor Edwards through his support behind the first use tax we decided to check in with our resident energy expert Larry Michelle the Baton Rouge morning advocate state times man on the energy beat. Larry what do we know about Governor Edwards first use tax plan? Well has this been proposed this week by its representative Billy Tousand brainchild but the governor through his support behind it and what they're looking for is seven cents a thousand cubic feet on natural gas produced beyond Louisiana's three mile limit that is in our federal offshore waters. They're looking to tax the transporters of the gas in this instance not the producers
it was introduced are not introduced but Tousand in the last couple of years is brought it up and rehashed it and hashed it in various committees and initially it was to be levied against the producers of the natural gas at the wellhead the producers naturally created quite a stink over this they're not in favor of it at all so now it's written it's going to go strictly against the transporters of the natural gas that is the pipeline companies who move the gas. One of the worries of people here in Louisiana's that it might increase the prices of gas that's used here in the state does it look like this tax may be passed on to residence to the state or are they looking to pass it on up north. The path there is supposed to be in this I have not seen the entire bill yet I've only gotten this by discussing it with representative Tousand but according to him they're supposed to be some pass on provisions in the bill which means that the extra cost of the gas will be passed on to the northern states where it is shipped by the shipper needless to say
the northern states find this quite unpalatable and there's no doubt going to fight it to Tousand Tonal. They've been talking about this tax in the legislature for a couple of years now and Governor Edwards is in the past question it's constitutionality the other day he said it was constitutional at least he thought that you think he's just trying to build up his court case. Well again industry sees this as nothing more than a severance tax which is clearly or in the past has been held clearly unconstitutional for a state to try to levy a tax against any kind of minerals produced offshore beyond the three mile limit that's industry side and that's the court side. Now Tousand has said repeatedly that he's no doubt his mind is going to wind up in court and he has also said that he expects as long as a three year court battle on the tax but from the you know getting away from the severance tax and industry side of the issue then you get into the state's position that it's part of an environmental concern.
The marine industries moving in and out their boats and all the various paraphernalia that they use are contributing according to the state to the erosion of Louisiana's barrier islands. This erosion means that the three mile limit will retreat it could back off and cost Louisiana valuable oil and gas producing areas. If this occurs of course then Louisiana could be in a real bind as our natural resources are being severely depleted at the moment anyway and they're trying to avoid the retreating of Louisiana's three mile limit. That's why part of the money is committed to protecting those barrier islands. And part of the money is also according to the governor's first statement on it would be committed to reducing state debt. Right they say that twenty five percent will go towards the barrier islands and seventy five percent will go into a sinking fund designed to retire state debt. The governor says that if it all goes through the courts the courts finally approve it then would state debt in total could be retired within ten years.
Do you think there's any question if the legislature will pass it with the governor's blessing? The legislature will probably go along with it. This is an estimate you know in the first days of the legislature and it hadn't come up for debate and we haven't really gotten a real secure feel for how they're going to react but just guessing if the outset yes I would say the legislature will probably go along with it. Certainly hasn't been in the outcry about it. No but we haven't gotten into the industrial lobbyists yet. Once they come into the picture they're going to you know be swinging all their way particularly the pipeline company lobbyists against the bill. Since the controversy over the right to work bill two years ago you seldom see business and organized labor lobbyists working together. This week both groups supported a bill that would require the teaching of building trade courses in the state's vote tech schools but that coalition may be a tenuous one as we see in this week's pro-con topic. Should the legislature mandate the teaching of these courses in favor of the proposition
and stymal president of lobby opposed to the measure of Victor Busey of the Louisiana FFL CIO. Normally the legislature should not mandate courses to be taught in either public schools or in vocational schools. This is the responsibility of the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education but they have simply failed to provide for these programs in the construction crash even though there was plenty of evidence showing the need for these programs and they failed not just once they failed for five consecutive years to do this. And when this kind of failure is there it's just a matter of legislature making decisions or whether it's going to tolerate this or whether it'll take the bit in its own teeth and try to provide for these programs that they know are clearly needed. The same thing happened in 1973 when the predecessor to BC the State Board of Education failed to take cognizance of the tremendous need for the expansion of the entire VOCEC program.
There were 76% waiting lists in the VOCEC schools and they didn't do anything to expand the program so the legislature again simply realizing the tremendous need. When I had them provided for $100 million expansion in today we are completing that expansion and by next year we will be able to have double capacity in the VOCEC schools and this is clearly because the legislature did something that normally it should not have done. It did it because the Board of Management and Secondary Education and its predecessor simply failed to do their duty. Just let you out not to mandate that any particular course be taught in the schools of our state. That ought to be left to the school boards, to those boards in charge of the various activities of education in Louisiana. In this case I can understand some people have built a strong case for it saying that unless the legislature does it it's not going to be done. I don't think that's true but nevertheless they've done it for that reason. But I do say that it sets a very bad president for the legislature to say which courses
ought to be taught in education. That ought to be left to those educators who are trained in that field who know what the needs are of the people of our state, who know what programs are actually needed rather than the legislature itself, taking that kind of action. Quite often we find emotional issues coming before the legislature that would at that time cause legislators to react in a manner that would seriously affect education. It's not good for that type of thing to take place. Let the decision be made in the calm atmosphere of the educational system by those that are trained for that purpose and we'll find that we'll come out much better than we will having it done during the legislative sessions in a charged atmosphere of that type. In the power struggles of state governments, some use subtle or devious techniques are profiled this week as a man noted for his blunt albeit controversial approach to government. George Fisher is secretary of one of the most powerful departments of state government.
The Department of Transportation and Development but Fisher is also a politician. A man other politicians look to for advice, fundraising, straight talk and tough action. He's called a tyrant by some, a no-nonsense administrator by others, but in his relatively new job, Fisher says he wants to prove that he walks in no man's shadow, not even the governors. I've been in politics for a considerable period of time. I started out putting up posters, ended up as a chief deputy, Lord Shahardian, the assessor's office in Jefferson and from there to the assistant to President Tom Dahlin and then here to Baton Rouge, but on each occasion I always walked behind somebody and really never did have an opportunity to accomplish very much on my own. Therefore the word goes out that there's a political hack and he works in politics on a given election and then it eats off the fat of government until the next election and therefore
is a bad person. So when I felt or saw this job open, I said that may be the place where I can prove my point and I probably would have quit a long time ago had it not been from a pride standpoint because it was insulting that people would say that about me or think that. So when I saw the opportunity I told the governor, I needed that job and for my own reasons, I took it, I performed as I said I always would have if I could ever get why I could make my own mark or create my own shadow. So I did it to prove a point. I think that point has now been proven. I feel that I'm administrator or maybe some other people don't. I think that I basically know what makes the world go round in politics and in good government and the two are compatible if you use them both in the right quantities. So I've proved the point so far as I'm concerned and so far as my family's concerned and other people's concerned really don't bother me now.
I turn around and say I don't need the job because I don't. I'd be as happy digging the ditches I am sitting in this desk. Yeah, pretty hard nose reputation. Your person is not going to take any guff, you're going to go in and straight talking and tell someone just what you think. Do you cultivate that image? Do you think it helps you in dealing with people? No, I don't cultivate the image and if it's an image and I'm sure that it is going to be your ears, it's because it's my method of operation. I've been that way all my life. I play hard, I work hard, I have my own set of morals, I do not vary from them. It makes no difference to me whether people like them or don't like them. I have to live with them. I make my own decisions. I either prosper by my decisions or I fail by my decision but one thing for sure. I'm not hurt or help by someone else's decisions. You tell the legislative committee that you didn't work for them recently and who do you
work for? I work for the state of Louisiana and naturally and everyone who pays taxes. However, the individual who hired me was Edwin Edwards, the people who ratified my appointment was in the Senate. However, my boss was Edwin Edwards. I can't serve 500 masters, the governor signs me a task. I do that task. Now, if it gets to the point that the task has to be compromised in order to complete it. It's time for them to get someone else. I just don't believe in having a half a dozen bosses and compromising what I want to make 18 people happy and just in my bag. Fisher is known for being outspoken, some say arrogant before legislative committees, but he sees the highway department as a challenge and even his harshest critics say that he may be the man to shake up a department where too often the doling out of roads and highways have been used for political leverage.
We need millions and millions and millions of dollars just to catch up with what we have and we have millions and millions of dollars that are left behind as undone and we're worried about spending millions and millions of dollars five years from that doesn't make any sense. They had a five-year program. I believe six years ago was still on year number two. Priorities change, traffic patterns change. What might have been good five years ago in this district and a number one priority is no longer a priority today, maybe 80th on the list. Therefore, year to year priorities is to how money should be spent in a given year. I thoroughly understand and agree with and I think it's good, but long range of priorities we better catch up with the short range where we're going to worry about the long range. Mr. Fisher, you have the image of being a fighter, somebody who doesn't run from controversial things. You've tackled some bills such as truck weights that reducing truck weights that a lot of people said couldn't be tackled, do you enjoy going for a fight, do you like handling controversial measures?
I don't want to do something that ten other people have done. I think that the weights bill and when I came here, the staff came to me and they said, well, we need a weights bill, some kind of bad. It is terrible. But we don't suggest that we do it because it's been tried before and that the political arena, it would be too strong. They'd eat you up and I don't know, maybe they were trying to put me in there so I would get eaten up. You know, I don't know, but no, I don't mean that. But they said it couldn't be done and I said, not the point whether it can be done. It's not the point of whether it should be or should not be tried. The point is should it be done for the good of the highways and for the state, all of them weren't accord. I said, write the bill and we'll go see if we can pass it. Fisher won that battle last session but faces other battles this year. For most of his life, he seems to have relish challenges. Born in Norman, Oklahoma, his first career was in the military. He later moved with his wife and two children to the political arena in New Orleans, where he made money with a string of service stations and raised money for Jefferson Parish politicians.
It was in the governor's race as money manager for the Edwards campaign that Fisher made his reputation as a premier fundraiser in Louisiana politics, and that reputation may control his future. I may or may not complete this term with Governor Edwards. At this point, I don't have any desire in order to have any intentions of going to work for any particular candidate. And as to whether I would stay here under another governor, at this point, it's kind of doubtful. I started about four or five months ago putting my own personal life in order and started some businesses and looking where I could buy into businesses and get my outside life straightened out. And if whomever's elected would come to me and say, Fisher, would you stay and help me a while? If I liked him and if I thought he was in Sarah, I might stay and if I didn't like him
or I didn't think he was in Sarah or if I didn't think he was going to let me run my own department such as the governor's done, I said, nope, don't believe so I'm going on home. I have a great yearning and have always had to be back with a hunting fish with the same people I've been hunting in fishing with for 25 years. My ties are not many, but the ones I have are very, very strong and none of them revolve around politics. You don't see me at cocktail parties, you don't see me at dances, you don't see me any place after dark. Dark comes I'm home and I'm with my friends and I have a great yearning to go back to New Orleans amongst those people and stay there so I don't have any big desire to remain here. I've done what I wanted to do. The lawmakers take a break next week, returning home to talk with their constituents about the issues. But here at the state we're in our business of covering your government goes on. When it's next week when we'll look at an elected state official who has been under fire,
as we debate whether the commissioner of insurance should remain an elected position. For Ron Blum, I'm Beth George, good evening. The proceeding was an LPB production. Production funding for this program was provided in part through contributions to Louisiana and for educational television.
- Episode Number
- 232
- Episode
- Legislative Coverage #2
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- Louisiana Public Broadcasting
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Copyright Holder: Louisiana Educational Television Authority
Producing Organization: Louisiana Public Broadcasting
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- Citations
- Chicago: “Louisiana: The State We're In; 232; Legislative Coverage #2,” 1978-04-28, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed April 2, 2026, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-17-20ftvbs2.
- MLA: “Louisiana: The State We're In; 232; Legislative Coverage #2.” 1978-04-28. American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. April 2, 2026. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-17-20ftvbs2>.
- APA: Louisiana: The State We're In; 232; Legislative Coverage #2. Boston, MA: American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-17-20ftvbs2