Latin American perspectives; Colonial Art in Mexico

National Educational radio in cooperation with the Institute on man and science presents a series of talks drawn from the institute's annual conference held recently in Rensselaer Vale New York. The Institute on man and science is a nonprofit educational institution chartered by the New York State Board of Regions. The annual assembly of the institute is designed to focus attention on 20th century technology and the human relationships resulting from its application. The speaker for this program is Christian a Herter Jr. vice president of the Mobile Oil Company and chairman of the New York urban coalition. Mr. Herder's topic is the role of the urban coalition. Here now is Mr. Herder. I relate. On the program was asked to speak on the subject of how a businessman looks at the problems of the city. And so much has been said on this and so often and in such tiring repetition that I'm not going to try this again. In fact on this

whole subject I feel a little like the United States senator who was asked to comment on a particularly hot issue of the day at a news conference and said to the assembled news reporters gentlemen I have nothing to say. And one newspaper reporter said we know that senator but how are you going to say it this time. So that I would instead like to talk to you a little about the New York urban coalition which is perhaps one of. I don't know at the present time 30. I would think probably more risk realistically five or six major efforts in this country. In an urban environment of the private sector the entire private sector to try and do something about the crisis of the city. How did this come Sept. come about. Well I think it was pretty clear to most Americans as the result of the riots last summer that at least the government wasn't making much

progress on the subject of the cities that maybe it was worthwhile in the light of the failure of the government to try a brand new idea which is to put to the wheel if you like the total energy skills resources imagination non bureaucracy managerial talent of the private sector to see what it could do about the crisis of the city. And that was formed in Washington late last August's the National Coalition. They issued a statement of principles. One of the basic tenets was that the action is at the local level that therefore there should be local urban coalitions. And in fact as a result of this and I might say the blandishments of Mayor Lindsay that I became involved in the New York urban coalition what really is this coalition. Well in the first place. It is genuinely composed of all elements of the private sector

religious academic foundation industry labor civil rights and the neighborhood community. It does not have a single member or a single member who is on the public payroll. And this for a very real and important reason. In many cities of the country where coalitions have started it spin is the result of the urging agitation and active participation of the mayor and some of his city appear officials. I don't want to imply in any sense that Mayor Lindsay and the city I'm not involved at least as supportive elements of a very critical nature in the New York urban coalition they are. But we just felt it was practical good sense not to identify ourselves with the city administration because city administrations like all things change. Secondly I think Mayor Lindsay felt it was good practical political sense not to involve himself too directly with us

and to become if you like a sponsor of the New York urban coalition and a very definite legal sense he could thus deny mistakes we made. To the extent we disagreed with him we could say well after all we're operating on our own and we're not being run by the city government. And in fact this is exactly how it is. I want to pay a compliment on the other hand to the mayor and the city because they've been invaluable to us not only in terms of support but in terms of making available their huge background of knowledge their experience and everything else. But we have moved ahead. These components if you like of the private sector on our own doing our best to try and figure out what we ought to be doing. How do I describe this. Well in the first place it's a consensual arrangement. Any group and we are now about one hundred fifty members and this is a purely arbitrary number composed of

these varying elements tries to work together has to work in some kind of consensual arrangement and then inevitably this creates difficulties. We visualise our role not as operating a lot of programs that are suddenly going to revolutionize the whole situation and the ghetto areas of New York but as a catalyst as a broker between the needs of the community and the resources that are available if you like in the establishment as a coordinator of all the myriad efforts that are undertaken as it exists now in New York City let's say in the manpower training field. You've got the city involved you have business involved you have voluntary organizations unions you name it they've all got programs and nobody knows what the other person is doing. As a supporter of good existing programs as an innovator of new programs where none exist. We don't pretend to be an operating

agency. We like to create. If we have to a new agency which may undertake a specific function but then try and spin it off. We are a fund raising organization or a fun distributing organization in the general sense of the word. Although there are obviously occasions where some seed money is absolutely necessary to get a program started. One of our basic tenets. It's absolutely fundamental to our operation it's fundamental to any kind of private effort of this kind. Is what you want may call maximum feasible participation of the neighborhood community people. And this just isn't in the sense of appearing at meeting us or being told what is going on. This is in terms of determining policy key Steff positions administration discussion constant constant constant involvement at every step of the way and I would just say as a absolutely basic tenet none of this private effort

will work without us. You just don't get anywhere. And don't think it isn't frustrating. Of course it is and difficult and that's one of the things I will come to. How we organized. As with any organization there is a board of directors there's a permanent staff. All of this is taken a considerable period of time to put together. But the fundamental operating arm if you like of the New York coalition a five task forces each task force concerned with a major area each with three cochairman one industry one neighborhood community one labor and not the world's most efficient way of operating a task force but nonetheless as you can imagine politically necessary. And there are in fact three such cochairman who determine the work of the task forces and we realize that the areas that we've covered this only scratched the surface of the total problem of the ghetto. But

nonetheless they are the areas in which if you like this kind of private sector felt it could put its arms around at the outset education manpower training and jobs economic development in the ghetto communications and housing. I have no doubt that his time goes on we will be involving ourselves in new areas such as welfare such as health whatever it may be. But at the moment these are the areas in which we are focusing our efforts. If somehow we can get on top of our programs in these areas then we will feel the confidence to move on to others. Each of the Task Forces has a series of programs which it has developed as the result of a great deal of extensive conversation. And these particular specific programs I won't go into at the present time other than to say some of them are actually off the ground some of them are still in the conception stage some are awaiting staffing some are awaiting funding.

But it's a miracle to me that in less than six months we've been able to get off the ground and actually functioning as many programs as we have. Because of the limitation of my time for the purposes of the recording let me speak to you not so much about specific things that we're doing but give you some general observations about an effort of this kind. As I say totally private and one in which a concerned private sector is trying to think through how as a private sector with the resources the talent the political heft whatever it may have it can do an effective job. In the first place the fact that this is a coalition implies certain strengths and certain real weaknesses the strengths are obvious if behind any specific project

any specific piece of legislation any specific piece any specific program you can get representation and real representation of all elements. The private side of New York society. You've got a very potent force and you do on the other hand it's very difficult with these diverse interests represented to find issues on which you can get everyone to agree. And we ran afoul of our first big problem during the winter on the subject of the decentralization of the school system. In which neighborhood community people felt that all the plans on the plan right on up to the regents plan did not go nearly far enough in terms of establishing total autonomy and the neighborhood communities and on which on the other side the labor unions and support of the United Federation of Teachers and Shanker well very reluctant to support any kind of

decentralization and this was the kind of issue on which had we pursued and tried to get a consensus. We might well have broken the coalition apart. This is one of the great dangers and one of the great difficulties of such an aggregation. So you do your best. You get everybody's point of view. You end up by saying All right each of you in your individual capacity can do as you like but we will try over a period of time to come closer together. But we could not when it became critical get a consensus in our group which is what we have to have to supporting either greater decentralization or less decentralization. And at this point Mayor Lindsay became very upset with us. So I think it's probably just as well that we are not an arm of the administration in New York. So by its nature a coalition is a difficult concept because it involves consensus on very differing points of view. And this is extremely difficult to get. Secondly. One of the things

that becomes immediately apparent and I just think this is axiomatic is the degree of minority involvement in New York we've got two major minority groups the Puerto Ricans and the blacks. This is perhaps a greater problem in New York than in most other cities of the country. And as you read yourselves it's a problem of its special nature with considerable competition jealousy and crying out for joint participation in public funding. But a number of things have emerged as the result of the last six months one for all of us. One of mine our case never known anything really about the ghetto areas of New York. Instead of finding a vast wasteland. Inefficient. Listless and ambitious people. We have been overwhelmed by the degree of extraordinary talent and leadership that there is in the ghetto areas.

This is point number one. And most whites from the business community. This was a total revelation. Secondly with this comes all sorts of complicating factors. Not only is there talent intelligence leadership intellectual act human and the rest and real leadership but with this comes now what is known as process and process is just a way if you like a series of involvement by the black community in all the decisions that are made by such a group as the coalition. Almost a ritual to come and which decisions can't be made without the consent of all the revue of the black and Puerto Rican caucus. People can't be appointed everything is delayed. It is frustrating. The Blacks and the Puerto Rican and minority people think and act differently from white people from a business environment point number one. They don't make decisions they

have to think things over there's no no Miss background of sensitivity. They don't. As we had supposed want results immediately so that you make an impression so that you have a situation in which you are believed and there is credibility in the ghettos. Instead of which forward progress has constantly been held back while they first took time to understand what was involved. Second they took time to consider amongst themselves whether they would go along what their point of view was. Now I'm not saying this in any critical sense. All I'm saying that as you gain experience in dealing in these things this is a factor which is a very real and a very difficult one. And as far as if you like the private sector the establishment is concerned one that takes a great deal of patience and a great deal of understanding. One of the difficulties of a coalition

is the extent to which you can expect Big Business Man. What interested concerned ready to give time to go through board meeting after board meeting. That last three four and five hours. And these businessmen have stayed through these meetings with no result whatsoever and no decision. And those of you who are familiar with business know how difficult this is. Again a problem I've mentioned the question of credibility. We had assumed that we ought to push ahead at full speed. No one would know what the current urban coalition was no believe in it unless there were concrete results. As I say we've been hampered all along the way because the blacks don't want to go this fast. There's always been this kind of an arrangement a very delicate balance between the extent to which if you like your minority groups can exercise a veto

power and the extent to which cooperation is the way you work it through. And in point of fact it's a very delicate difficult balance. I think they would love to be able to exercise the veto power. And in fact you can get nothing done that way. So you try and talk it out and have them come along and it takes great diplomacy and great sensitivity. As I say in New York there is the added problem of the Puerto Rican and black elements. Another observation a concern I have which is the extent to which the industry commitment and industry is the major sector of this private effort. The extent to which this is real. I'm convinced it is real in the sense that industry lives by its wits and its future is with the cities of this country 75 percent as you know the people of this country live in the cities now and it will be

80 percent in five or 10 years. So the health the economic health the emotional health the political health all aspects of the city is a vital self important self interested importance to industry and for this reason it cannot walk away from the whole problem. But I think a more difficult more subtle question arises how much time can you expect of your industry leaders. And as I've described the long Securitas process of developing programs developing staff getting things implemented. This worries me because the tendency of businessmen is to delegate and have somebody else represent. And yet we know and we do have on the coalition I suppose 40 to 50 of the top guys in New York the biggest industries in the world are right there personally. How long we can keep this up I don't

know. And again a difficult problem. The longer term aspects of this prepared to judge it with quite clear that nothing significant can be done in less than three to five years. We're also clear that it is a great mistake to talk as many have done before about what they're going to accomplish because it leads to expectations that simply cannot be fulfilled. So kind of a maxim of our effort if you like is to be as lowkey as possible. I make no public announcements until we actually have something going. What is the price you pay. Well very few people have heard of us. To be truthful and this is the price you pay. Nonetheless I think it's an important and worthwhile price to pay if in fact you were achieving results.

I'd like to speak briefly of voluntary organisations. We don't have on the coalition any representatives of voluntary organizations be they settlement houses be they the Citizens Committee for children mobilization for youth whatever it may be. And these organizations abound in New York some of them doing an excellent job some of them doing a job that is still applicable for the 1920s and has no relevance to today. Our big problem was once you ask the president of X voluntary organization you have to ask them all. We had the same problem with trade associations. But the voluntary organizations do do a good job. It's not good enough to solve the problem. This is demonstrably wrong. And so that what we're trying to do is working constantly with the closest contact and trying to get them to undertake new kinds of endeavors which they have never undertaken before and which nobody is doing at this particular moment. Let me give you an example.

In the training business you have first the first step is recruitment. To a large extent the cities and the voluntary organization the city itself have considerable experience in this as does the New York Climate Service and one can comment as to which is good and which is bad but the fact is they've been doing this for a period of time. You've got industry. It's never that to any large extent employed the hardcore unemployed before but at least subscribing and making pledges to jobs. But what you've got in between is virtually a total vacuum. That is this fair a long critical period between the time a hardcore person is actually recruited and the time he is ready to hold a job even at the entry level motivation remediation pre-employment world of work a whole series of things psychological economic conditioning

that must go on. If this whole problem of training and employing the hardcore unemployed is going to have any success at all it's been on this middle area. The previous programs have failed and foundered. And yet the number of organizations private or governmental that us in dealing with this whole if you call that pre-employment remediation stage a very small you perhaps out of the Mind program the board of fundamental education and two or three others. Oh I see the reverend Sullivan's program. They all deal with a part of it. But no one and there just don't exist organizations that can handle the traffic. So we've asked in New York the voluntary organizations particularly the settlement houses if to see if they can't themselves develop the skills to provide part of this remediation process. Lastly in terms of general observations I would try and

come to the $64 question how are we doing. Is this kind of effort this kind of private effort really useful or is it just a gesture or is it something that can in fact move the ball along to some genuine solution. I don't know how to answer this now. The results are in. We don't know how we're doing. We haven't seen it yet. We feel we've made great progress in terms of thinking through what we ought to be doing and in organizing for it and then getting started. And we have in fact achieved some measurable results in a few areas. But in terms of the total effort we have no objective way of deciding yet. But one thing I am quite clear and that is that the private sector sudden they pulled out because the government had failed. This is got to be the private sector's job. It's got to be industries job cannot do it alone.

It simply hasn't got the resources. It's got resources but nowhere near adequate to the job in housing in education and employment whatever it may be. And that what the private sector does have in my judgment other things that I mentioned earlier a bureaucratic approach energy skill organizational ability. And a great sense of dedication all but the latter. The government patently does not. And so my view of this thing is that in the course of the next two or three years there will emerge a new set of relationships in which the private sector basically will act as a contractor for the government. Administrating some of its own funds and some government funds but it will be the manager and that in this connection it will be possible. I am

convinced in this combination this joint effort. Government resources and the government's already coming to this the National Alliance for business program is in fact a government financed program administered by private industry. This combination can develop that formulas can be worked out. Organizational structures so that over the course of time real progress can be made. In the crisis of the citys thank you very much you heard Christian a Herter Jr. chairman of the New York urban coalition as he spoke on the topic the role of the urban coalition. Mr. Herder's spoke at the annual conference of the Institute on man and science held in Rensselaer Vale New York. The topic of our next program will be crime revolution and black power. Our speaker will be Dr. Wyatt the walker special assistant to Governor Nelson Rockefeller on Urban

Affairs and pastor of the Canaan Baptist Church in Harlem. Dr. Walker has also served as executive director of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. These lectures are recorded by the Institute on man and science. The programs are prepared for broadcast and distributed by the national educational radio network.