Japan: 1868-1968; Japan and Modernization

From WFC are the five college radio station in Amherst Massachusetts. We present Japan eight hundred sixty eight through nine hundred sixty eight. This year has been officially designated as the centennial of the beginning of the modernization of Japan and this is the first of a series of broadcasts titled Japan 1868 through 968 with John M. Markey professor of government and vice dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Massachusetts. The title of today's broadcast is Japan and modernization. Professor Markey it was exactly a century ago in 1868 that one of the most momentous events in all of Japan's long history took place. It was that in that year that the temporary me came to the throne. Consequently what happened in that year is referred to sometimes as the imperial restoration. And sometimes the Meiji restoration. Now

this year Japan is celebrating the centennial of that event and this centennial is sometimes popularly referred to as marking the end of the first century of Japan's process of modernization. Now in this series I am going to be discussing a number of issues highlighting perhaps is the better word than discussing a number of issues and events that have carried Japan's history over the past century. There will be a strong well shall I call it conventionally historical content in these lectures. There will be a certain amount of emphasis on events and on developments over the last century. But perhaps the major emphasis will be on a broad historical and indeed political and social movements during this past hundred years. Naturally there will be a

strong political science content in these discussions for the simple reason that I am a political scientist by training. Now in all of these broadcasts I suppose the basic theme can be summed up in one word change. What I should be concerned with primarily is the problem of how Japan changed from what could be described as a pre-modern feudal society to a modern nation all society. Now this can be stated very simply but I'm sure that you realize even from my brief statement that this is an extremely complicated historical and social phenomenon. Now in a very real sense what I shall be discussing is simply what might be termed the Japanese variation on the universal phenomenon of broad social change.

Now today the topic of my discussion is simply Japan and modernization. Now I am sure that you are all aware that the problem of modernization is one of the central issues confronting the world as of today. Sometimes the term modernization is used and sometimes the term development is used but in more slightly more precise term the issue is what is happening to people. Two societies that have recently that is over roughly the past 20 years become independent and are struggling to achieve what we call that equality with the more developed nations of the world. Or perhaps the more completely modernized nations of the world. Now this problem of modernization as I said has captured our attention particularly over the past 20 years or so and by our attention I mean

that it obviously commands a great deal of attention in the mass media but also it has become an issue of great concern to scholars. The study of this process of modernization what happens to modernizing societies has captured a great deal of attention. Now one thing that we in the West I think have not really become fully aware of except more or less incidentally is the fact that modernization if you will is an issue that has confronted us in the West as well. All that I have to do in this regard is to point out the vast changes that have come over the face of the United States for one example since the Civil War came to an end just over a century a goal. And in addition to that there is the problem of the enormous amount of change economic change political

change social change that has come over the face of that very complex group of societies that is usually referred to as the Western world. Now my concern today is as I said with this problem of change in Japan and the problem of modernization in Japan. Now Japan and this process of modernization has captured a great deal of attention from scholars not only of modern Japan but of well social scientists in general who have become interested in this question of how a non-Western a pre-modern or a non modern society has been able to change. Consequently and again particularly during about the past 10 or 15 years a great deal of attention has been focused on Japan's

experience with modernization. Now initially there was a feeling among many that it was possible that Japan might be regarded as a model for contemporary modernizing societies a model from which they might be able to learn a some very significant lessons. On the other hand it became increasingly apparent and as of today I think it is it is accepted almost without challenge that Japan is not particularly useful as a model for contemporary modernizing society. On the other hand it is become equally clear that even though Japan might not be a model. Nevertheless. The Japanese experience with the process of modernization over the past century century is of very great significance to

a study of the process itself. And so the lessons that can be learned or perhaps observed from the Japanese experience are certainly a matter of very considerable significance. Now what I would like to do for most of the discussion today is simply to outline in very broad strokes the principal period of Japan's modernization. Now of course as in the process of dating any historical well development there has been inside and outside Japan a great deal of academic dispute as to when the beginning of this process should be should be dated. I know for my own purposes what I would like to do is simply to deal with approximately the last third

of the 19th century roughly from 1868 down to 1900 as the critical period in this process of modernization. Again I want to emphasize that I am not attempting by any means to try to present a definite starting and terminal dates for this process. Like any historical movement such precision chronological precision is impossible. Now what I would like to do is simply to outline very briefly what Japan was like as of approximately eight hundred sixty eight. As what could be described in current terms as an underdeveloped society and in the terms of the late 1860s A and uncivilised society. But fortunately we have grown away from terminology such as civilised uncivilised barbarian and so forth

and so want. Now a brief description of Japan as of eight hundred sixty eight will among other things I think outlined the general dimensions of the problem of modernization or development as that confronted Japan at that particular time. Well first of all Japan obviously had no industrialisation no industrialization as that term industrialization was understood as again of the late 1860s. Also Japan did not have a central government. Again by contemporary standards it had a government of sorts but certainly it was not the kind of government that for one example the United States had again in the late 1860s. There was nothing which could be described as Western science or modern

science. Again in the terms of a century ago the Japanese did know something about some areas of science something about mathematics in general something about astronomy to mention another example but nothing again resembling the modern scientific method as that had been developed by again a century ago. Obviously also Japan had no contemporary technology without modern science certainly it could not be applied with results in the field of technology. Japan had nothing at that time which could be described as a system of education as systems of education had begun to develop in the modern western world. By that time Japan had an agricultural sector of its economy which again by comparison with the Western world could be described as

backward. It was an agricultural sector which was able to satisfy Japan's basic basic requirements for food for one example. But on the other hand again it was wealth in our terms and in the terms of the late 18th 60s backward. Japan also had nothing that could be described as a modern military force. It was a paradox. But Japan had many military men at that time. But on the other hand these men were not organized into the equivalent of a contemporary modern army or a contemporary Navy. Japan also had just passed through a period of. Well perhaps it might be more accurate to say it was in the middle of a period of considerable political upheaval and again you can see that this was a problem that has confronted many of our new nations in the

present world. Now also Japan was a victim of the so-called unequal treaty system the system under which Japan had been forced to grant to the so-called Western powers many rights and privileges inside the country that Japan neither Japan nor its citizens enjoyed in the western nations. This was the situation then as of roughly 1868. By the year 1900 Japan had succeeded in bringing about what By almost any standards was a remarkable transformation. Now the point here is not that Japan had become in the period of approximately a third of a century a completely modern nation because it was still in the process of development. Perhaps

the most accurate way to state the problem is simply to say that the foundations for modernization had been well established by this time. Now in the first place and again what I am going to do is roughly two parallel points that I made about Japan as an underdeveloped or a non modern nation. First of all by 1900 Japan had progressed well along the road towards industrialization as a matter of fact Japan could not be considered to be a fully industrialized nation until roughly about 1930. But on the other hand the essential had been achieved by 1900. Now also the Japanese had become thoroughly familiar by 9500 with western science. Again this had been converted Of course into Japanese terms but nevertheless there was the

scientific foundation for Japan's developing technology. And indeed as the point about industrialization implied very strongly Japan also had established by this time a firm basis of technology for the general process of modernization. Now note that all three of these things modern science modern technology and industrialisation were in a very real sense imports from the developed from the modernized Western world. On the other hand beyond any question even as early as 1900 these things had all been firmly integrated into Japan's own society. Japan also by 1900 had an effective central government both in form in content and in operation. It was the equivalent of central governments as those were operating in the

Western world by again 1900. Japan also amazingly with amazing speed had developed a. An operate operating system an effective system of mass education. Now also Japan had achieved a very considerable degree of political stability by 1900. There were still a great deal of political controversy going on inside the country but on the other hand the essential feature of the stability was there. Now also by this time Japan had developed a strong agrarian sector of its economy. On the other hand the system had some very grave defects defects which were not to be corrected until after the Second World War. On the other hand most of the farmers were able to eke out a living. Some of them with very great difficulty.

The food problem of Japan was being taken care of and so forth and so on. And it is to be noted that this agrarian sector of the economy was integrated into a new kind of economy which again was built around this business of industrialization. Now also Japan by 1900 had developed a modern military establishment and had already as I shall be emphasizing later on had already begun to use this military establishment as a part of its increasingly active foreign policy. Also by the year 1900 Japan had successfully escape from the unequal treaty system and in all respects was a fully a completely independent nation not by any standards. Both the extent and the

rapidity of this change that I have outlined so very briefly are extremely impressive. Now what were some of the reasons why it was that Japan was able to do this with such great speed and again with such relative ease now perhaps it is in this sect or that we find the real reasons why it is that Japan cannot be used as I indicated earlier cannot be used as a model for contemporary developing or modernizing societies. Now one of the things that operated in Japan's favor is I think fairly obvious namely that the world in the last third of the 19th century is very considerably different from the world of the last half of the 20th century when again a large number of new nations are struggling with

the same problem that Japan began to come to grips with approximately a century ago. In other words the world was much simpler. The world was simpler in. Well again economic terms social terms and in political terms. And so consequently what you might describe as the magnitude of Japan's problem was perhaps less at least relatively speaking a century ago than the same problem confronting other peoples as of today. Now obviously Well for one example even the relative as of the last half of the 19th century difficulty of travel of communication at that time meant that Japan was in the happy position of being relatively free from external pressures. And so this well should we call it historical accident of

undertaking this difficult operation at a particular period in the development of the world operated to Japan's favor and it is perfectly clear that this was a circumstance over which Japan had no control and indeed could not even influence. Now another issue however is of very great significance and one which perhaps which many scholars feel was central to an understanding of Japan's problem of modernization is in a word leadership. Now for some reason perhaps again this was simply an historical accident and the Japanese as of the late 1860s and indeed throughout the remainder of the century were blessed with a large number again in quantitative terms of men who could be described as leaders. Now by leaders I do not mean

all great men in the sense that that term is used because only a very small number of these men could be described as great even within the Japanese context. But the important thing was that there were a large number of men and a very very small number of women who were able to do the things economic and political and social that had to be done if Japan were going to do what it eventually did do in this critical third of the third of a century. Now one significant thing is this point that I have mentioned several times already the fact that there were a fairly large number of men who were able to do these things. Now these were men who first of all and this was an extremely important issue were able to see and to understand what

Japan's problem was at that time. That problem begin to go back to my introductory statement was the problem of change. The problem of transforming Japanese society from a pre-modern feudal one to a modern national society. Now the second thing that these men. Had going very much in their favor which contributed very much to their own society was the fact that they saw in broad general terms how this problem of change had to be handled. And again it was to be handled by modernization. It was to be handled by turning to the X Journal world which meant of course the Western world for things for institutions for ideas that were absolutely essential if this problem could be could be solved. Now in broad general terms these two things

the appreciation of the nature of the problem and the observation of a solution to that problem simply reflected the undeniable fact that these leaders were able men. They were intelligent. They had the qualities that enabled them to do what had to be done. They were not simply thinkers they were thinkers and they were also doers. And again in all fields they revealed an impressive degree of ability. Now another thing that operated very much in their favor. And this again was a fairly well shall we call it. Temporal factor was simply that they had all gotten out into the western world. They knew that were old and consequently were able to observe even more and appreciate even more the dimensions of their problems.

Now also they were a remarkably cohesive group. They stood together they saw the problem as I've been emphasizing. They saw that the solution was and they worked together to to solve the basic problem. Now this does not mean that they did not compete with each other. This did not mean that there were no. Well. Hatreds is almost not too strong a word to use for their attitudes towards each other at certain times of crisis. In this third of a century. But by and large these things were incidental and as I say they did stand together now also. They were filled with a feeling of urgency. They felt one that the problem was very important and to that it had to be solved as rapidly as possible. And so consequently this meant that they with this feeling of urgency.

It meant that they drove themselves and they drove their society to achieve their goals as rapidly as possible. So consequently this factor of leadership was and again notice that in a sense it was accidental operated very much in Japan's favor in this process of modernization. Now another thing that became apparent only later on was what can be described as simply a feeling of nationality a feeling of nationality a general feeling among the Japanese that they were a separate a distinct people and that as a society they had certain common goals they shared a certain common heritage a cultural heritage a social heritage and his historical heritage that enabled them to again as their leaders were to stand together to operate simply as a people rather than a group of

local individuals with local interests. A purely local interest and purely local goals. One thing that operated very much in their favor was. A consciousness of their own long history. And in addition there was a common language especially a common written language. Now also and this is what I shall be stressing in the next lecture of this series. There was a very important heritage from the immediate past. There was for one example an embryonic central government with a corps of administrators. There were certain embryonic features of a modern economy. There was a coherent if not very well-defined set of political and social values. There was a what could be

described as a kind of a functional mass literacy. Far short of what it is today but nevertheless enough literacy so that certain things could be done. There was a even a foundation of cities and towns the beginning of modernization. Social modernization you might call it again. These all of these things were something that flowed out of Japan's immediate past. What I am saying I suppose is that the dimensions of Japan's problem of change were not as great as the dimensions of change that confront many contemporary societies. Finally there was simply an element of luck in this situation. As I indicated already the fact that Japan was operating in the last third of the 19th century was certainly lucky for Japan.

There was a certain amount of luck if you will in the fact that Japan had the kinds of leaders in the numbers necessary at the time that they were confronted with this task. Also Japan was in the happy position of being free of mess if foreign intervention in its internal affairs. Again the contrast with China at the same period in history is a striking one. And finally Japan was also in the happy position of not being confronted with all of the destructive effects of a massive civil war. Again note the contrast with China again. At the same period of history. You have just heard a broadcast on the topic. Japan and modernization are the first of a series titled Japan 1868 through 1968 with John M. Markey a professor of government and

vice dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Massachusetts. The title of the next broadcast in this series is the mid 19th century crisis Japan 1868 through 968 comes to you from WFC are the five college radio station in Amherst Massachusetts. This program was distributed by the national educational radio network.