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Brother. A program by and about the black community. Tonight say brother we'll discuss the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the role it has played in shaping the lives of black Americans. Our guests are Vernon sport president of the New England regional conference. Tom Adkins president of the Boston branch and Reverend Charles Smith national board member what is the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Known to many as the NAACP to the staunch white segregationist. It's an obscene word to the black militant. It's a bunch of Uncle Toms but two
generations of black Americans. It's been the one organization which has fought continuously to bring black Americans into the mainstream of American life. It hasn't always been easy but the steps forward they made have opened doors put laws on the books to end the reigns of lawlessness and discrimination they suffered injustices to bring about justice by meeting across conference tables and in the courts the results they produced gained the voting rights for many black people an equal chance for education rights to a fair trial in courts rights to be on juries defense against lynching and burning at the hands of mobs equal service treatment in public facilities equal rights to use parks libraries and services for which blacks pay taxes and an equal
chance to make a living. I'd like to start with our first question. What is the NAACP. I suppose that's the best way to define the end of the ICP would be to say that it has been for 66 years the principal vehicle written by white people in this country toward the constitutional promise of equal rights under law. It has been the protector times of mob violence that has been the key to open up the locked doors of segregated schools and universities. It has been the way the sheriff has been moved out of the way when he has been running jails in which black people were brutalized. That has been the means by which black children and their parents were
able to be treated with dignity and with quality and medical institutions. It has been for over half a century the principal protector of minority rights in this country. You speak of the NAACP being a principal. Protector. Could you define just a little bit more clearly the difference between freedom and equality. Because you mentioned that quite a bit I would say that Constitution of the United States a promise and indeed is guaranteed to all American citizens equality under law. However the customs practices from time to time the laws of various states and localities have denied black people the freedom to achieve that equality under the law. The NAACP focuses
on the goal which is equality under law. Equality of opportunity and in the battle to eliminate the various barriers to the individual freedom necessary to achieve that equality has sometimes had to go into court and sometimes had to work in legislative chambers and other times in meeting rooms and in many many times in many places around the country. The NAACP has had to take and has had to take to the streets to fight their first for the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. OK. When the NAACP was founded in 1989 it grew out of the Niagara Movement. And I don't think the Niagara Movement accomplished everything that had hoped to simply because it was a group of people who had a common interest and that later grew into the NAACP. And when the NAACP did eventually form an organization it was felt that the concept of total equality was impractical. People also felt that at that time an
organization of this type did more harm to race relations than good. Mr. sport would you address yourself to that place. Well I think time has proven wrong because after just after 66 years we're still on the scene. And while the particular issues during this time have changed periodically I think that realistically he made tremendous advancements in the goals of the NAACP. In fact the very goals that resulted in the situation being farmed. You might say we're going through a period of the same goals today. So why they followed up to what type it might have been voters and they did and would have actually growth. I think that's proven over the period of time to be false. OK. One I think one of the major vehicles that the NAACP has used to bring about change has been the courts. I won't say it's the only thing but it's been a major thrust Why of course
because in this country in this crazy system that was devised by those radicals back 200 years ago. Now there was a system of checks and balances and it was a system that said if you can't get in one place try another place. And ultimately everybody has to live under a fundamental law. And the fundamental law is the Constitution. And somebody in some institution in this system had to be given the ultimate responsibility for interpreting the Constitution and measuring everybody else's performance according to that yardstick. What that said to us was that when we found recalcitrant executives whether local executives state executives or federal executives or when we found recalcitrant or obstructive legislatures where the city council state legislatures from time to time the Congress itself the courts was the one place we could go and
we've gone to the courts when it has been impossible to get redress of grievances in the other areas in doing the executive on the administrative side end the legislative side because the courts are as integral a part of the American Constitutional framework as is an elected president and the elected governors and legislators. OK. Do you think the courts have proved that they can change the way that millions of people live. Courts have shown that they have a very important part in the process of the American system of government. And I think it would be erroneous to say that courts by themselves can carry that weight because of courts are operating in a vacuum. They are proceeding to deal with laws and nobody else understands or ever thought existed. Then the popular mandate that they have begins to become very very thin. But
in order to challenge a court order in this country you have to challenge the entire system on which that order rests. It's not one judge. It's a judicial system of which he is one part. And that's why it was possible for one of hundreds one of hundreds of federal judges to bring the president of the United States. All right. Now how did the how did the organization decide what issue it was going to attack or it was going to deal with it at that time. Did you just you know drop a problem out of the hat and say well gee the field of education looks good. Or maybe this month we should tackle the problem of housing. Was there a method that was developed the basic system through which policies I established done by the 18:00 chapters throughout the country. At its annual convention normal meeting in July there are by. And there is a Resolutions Committee. And each chapter has to
productive to bring up the issues of preeminence to them which are processed through the Resolutions Committee and adopted by the entire convention. And this becomes the operating policy of the entire Association and the emphasis is focused based upon the grass roots support that comes from the entire country. OK. If you were to choose let's say for instance the issue was education. Is there a court plan that you have devised in terms of. A citizen or maybe a test case per se. Well the way it is the way it works I would just vild a little bit on. What Reverend Smith said because the genius of the NAACP is precisely that structure that he described because what might need to be done in Boston today might be very different from what is needed in Detroit or New York or Chicago.
And the local branches of the NAACP make the judgment as to what their priorities are going to be in a given time operating within the national policy framework and in the area of education the particular place that gets approached depends upon the nature of the problem being faced at the local level in some communities it might be a university problem. That's where the NAACP attention will be focused. In others it might be as in Boston. The problem of pervasive and legal segregation in the public school system and that's where the NAACP attention gets focused and as to how a case then goes forward. Generally speaking the NAACP operates on behalf of clients and the clients are a class of people. The class we represent are those minority Americans who have no other place to
go but us. OK now let's let's get to those minority Americans. And that comes down to the image that some people have of the NAACP. As I said when we opened. The NAACP means a variety of things to a variety of different people. And I would say one of the things that I didn't mention was that some people feel that the NAACP isn't anything more than a black middle class political club. How would you address yourself to that. This is a basic stereotype that has cropped up across the country because of the person's approach any type of pressure group depending upon their political persuasion and where they're coming from. And needless to say. If they were to take a look at the actual people at the grass roots level that evolves into the national entity this thing will be made out of
ignorance because it is actually the person who is in need who suffers most who needs the NAACP the the middle class black need it less but the poor black would need it most. And he is the one who really is the throb heartbeat of the NAACP. Now when we have different persuasions in terms of where do you come from a conservative to a militant you name it. If we don't look at it exactly like that. Obviously there is a tendency to say these kind of things. But this has been said for 60 some years with the very structure of the association Belward rever Smith said the very fact that look throughout the membership you'll find that the. Most viable branches are in the south in very poor areas. So in the urban areas rural areas rather than larger metropolitan cities the best branches in the country are not in
cities like Boston. But the best branches in the country are deep down in Mississippi Alabama North Carolina out in the woods in the country where there's no huge urban area tall. Our city is we only have about four cities in the country with a decent branch all the large cities take the West Coast and we name region for region the NAACP membership is among the masses of black people. L.K. How would one become a member of the unraveling. Very simple in fact we make some. We make some strong demands on our members because historically the NAACP has refused to become a captive of anybody's interest. So we don't we don't allow ourselves to be run by grants where the private foundation grants or will accept money from or federal grants. We rarely accept money from the federal government or state or local grants for that matter
most of the NAACP is operating income and revenue comes from its membership. And when you have half a million members nationally that makes a difference in the kind of effectiveness you have a person can become a member of the NAACP by doing two things. Number one agreeing to adhere to the policies of the organization and number two being willing to pay off if he or she is an adult as little as four dollars a year once a year $4 a year of course there are other categories of membership and many of us have chosen to become Life Members of the NAACP that only cost $500. Most of us pay that $50 a year for 10 years. So say not everyone has $500 so I guess we will have to go with a yearly membership. What if there's not an NAACP organization in the area that you live. What do you do then. Well the procedure for forming an NAACP chapter or branches they are called is that any group of 50
or more people may come together and agree to abide by and operate within the framework of the policies of the National Association. They then send a letter a petition as it were to our national office the national office would then do an investigation to determine whether or not this was in fact a genuine group willing to abide by the policies of the association. And if so a charter would be given for that community assuming that there was no branch presently serving the area from which those 50 or more people came. OK. What are some of the areas that the NAACP has been most effective in in terms of bringing about change. I'll throw that question out and it's a broad question because it covers such a enormous scope of American life. I can
just name I'll name several of the areas of housing the NAACP made this nation adopt state by state city by city fair housing ordinances statutes at the state level and eventually at the national level congressional legislation and education. The NAACP is work and education has ranged from a concern about the nature and supplies of textbooks to the quality and content of textbooks that frequently fail to depict and portray the role of black people and other minorities to the development of this country to the hiring of minority administrators and teachers and janitors and secretaries to the composition of school committees and school boards to the structure of the school system whether it has been structured in a way that forces black children into inferior educational styles and in Boston example obviously we focused on the problem of segregation.
That has been deliberately created by the acts of public officials or you have in the area of employment the NAACP has been a shield an umbrella as well as a battering ram for minority people who have been excluded by a quotas set up years ago. Father the Son operations that became exclusive shops the NAACP pioneered the equal employment laws. You can go across the area and look at voting rights you can look at the whole areas of the opportunity to run for office and to serve in office to be appointed to public positions to benefit from public services. All of these are areas in which the NAACP has been active and generally pioneering. OK just to get specific for a moment. Why fight against segregated integrating segregated segregated education. What we found and I can be very specific what we found in Boston was that.
Segregated education meant for the black and white child training for an inferior citizenship for the black child we found that the longer the black child remained in segregated schools the farther behind he or she felt in achievement. So that by the time a a black child had gotten to the 12th grade in Boston he or she was testing out three to four years behind the national average that he should have achieved by that point. We found a pervasive and persistent pattern of inferior equipment materials supplies maintenance of the buildings. We found that less experienced teachers or teachers and nobody else wanted were getting assigned to the predominantly black school so that the quality of the teaching of the black child was receiving was suffering. And we found that the image the black child had of himself as he
or she grew into manhood or womanhood was being devastated by seeing the ability with which a so-called democratic society could distort the constitutional guarantees to deny him and people who look like him. Equal opportunity in the white child on the other side was being given the impression that white skin was somehow a ticket to superiority. Well I know white people all my life I've never felt in Virginia and most black people if given the opportunity would be able to compete on an equal basis. And that's what the NAACP has insisted on the opportunity to be equal. OK I'm going to be the devil's advocate for just a moment. I'm taking in in light some of the resistance that integration has faced in terms of education and even in the areas of housing. Suppose someone were to say to you well is integration the best way. Why not
segregation. Would we be better off if we went into our own communities and try to solve our problems in terms of housing in terms of education ourself instead of trying to join forces with people who obviously don't have our interests at heart. Sure. And don't really care that I'll just give a short answer to that. That's a that's a long long argument that interestingly enough gets made principally by segregationists. People say we white folks don't want white folks living next to us so you are still where you are and why you will live with us. We don't want you we don't want you in our schools you are still in your bad schools why you want to come learn with us. We don't want you or your stay in your own jobs we don't want you working next to us. If you begin to total up all the places a white America could exclude black Americans from going to be very much live for black Americans to do except go back on some 1975 version of cotton fields and plantation menial labor. And I don't and I don't know. I mean black people to do that. This is a country for which we have fought
and died and to which our contributions have been made over a period of time longer than any other group here with the possible exception of the Indian. Well what about the black person who feels that perhaps segregation for the black man in this country is the answer. Under the laws and the Constitution of the United States even a black person is not entitled to ask for an unconstitutional result and in this country in this day segregation in schools segregation and housing segregation and employment discrimination in employment and rental of housing et cetera is illegal and it's unconstitutional. And the Constitution our problem has been the Constitution hasn't been able to guarantee us equality it certainly doesn't guarantee us greater rights. We don't have a right to insist on an unconstitutional result. And finally those people who work who don't believe as we do that desegregation is the only way the Constitution can be interpreted.
OK. Have the option to try something else. I will fight them fine. I'd like to direct my next question to the Reverend. And you mentioned the fact that the composition of the branches the NAACP branches in the south as opposed to a lot of the large cities was quite was quite different in that. What you termed grassroots folks were the ones who comprise the membership. How might the priorities of those particular branches differ from those of that same people in the Boston branch. Well I'm not sure that purchased it for Tom I think historically those who have come from the Deep South felt that the problems were the only problems in the country. But it appears now that those in the north have exactly the same problems of those at the deep south. I think in terms of whether we're talking about job opportunities or
education it may vary in one part of the country versus another. But the priorities are basically the same the method through which they address the problem this may vary from time to time but there is no difference at all in the priorities. OK how about in terms of. Maybe I shouldn't use the word priorities but probably in some of the problems that that hinder them in terms of achieving equality and freedom. For example I come from Washington West Virginia and I came out of a meeting last night in West Virginia dealing with the exact same problem that I shared with the local president here and that is the suspensions of black students where we have 55 out of 175 students were suspended from one school block. And the problem here is basically in many respects
exactly the same is it the parent becomes a national kind of a powder. Now the approach to redress the problem is quite different. But I don't see any major differences in the problems we face. I think the difference will come in terms of the mathematics. Back in West Virginia we are only three and a half percent of the population. We hear a great deal more. So we have to become just a little bit different in our approach because we don't have the mass of people of numbers to do it. That means we have to dig deep into the system and out think out manipulate and make that system work for us in order to come out on top. In this particular case the strategy becomes different but basically the problem is the same. Just to elaborate on that a bit more. Take for instance a city like Boston in 1950 the black population of Boston was only about 5 percent. And I think the total population at that time was something like maybe 350000 people and 5 percent of that wasn't an awful
lot as the population began to grow. The black community in Boston in 1960 almost doubled to 9 percent. In 1970 we were up to 17 percent. And I'm sure we're well over that now. But it was the same. It was basically the same problem where you have such a small population for for quite a while the black population couldn't make an impact because as you say it was it was just a question of mathematics and we didn't really have a sizable constituency. Until you know until probably 10 years later 1960 or so where politicians felt that well maybe there's a constituency here so we'd better listen to what these people are saying. You know in an interesting way the situation in Boston has almost deteriorated with the passage of time precisely as the numbers have grown. And I think I'm I remember a
statement was I think by Dick Gregory in answer to a question what is the essential difference in the way blacks are viewed or treated in the north in the south. And his answer was that in the south historically they didn't care how close you got as long as you didn't get too big. And in the north they didn't care how big you got as long as you didn't get too close. And as I look at the pattern I see in Boston compare it with the Jackson Mississippi with West Virginia. I find much more residential integration in the south than you find in the northern areas I find up until recent times you found far larger numbers of blacks who appear to be achieving but they were still segregated residential ghettos and in segregated schools et cetera. And there a lot of truth to Dick Gregory statement. What's happening now is that as blacks up north down North
began to get too close then white America in that hidden not too far beneath the surface gracious core that has always been a part of this country's heritage becomes irritated It's like rubbing a sore spot on your skin and it flares up. That's what's happened in Boston. We have two races here who were excited a lot of other people and exploiting fears. OK. How can how can a black person who lives in Boston use the NAACP as a vehicle to solve some of these problems that they're encountering. First thing they need to do is to join it because the NAACP is only as strong as its membership. The second thing they need to do is to participate in it and they don't agree with the policies they see me articulating or they hear our board is setting they need to come in and try to change them. And the third thing they should do is to where they see particular problem areas that need the attention of the NAACP.
Let us know about. I think it's going to be interesting. I listened to the early part of the conversation a reference to the very groups. Last year we had the greatest increase in membership that we've had in the last 10 years the so-called militant groups have come back into the ranks because they don't seem to mount a march to street when you've got to use this thing up here very well. We're going to dig in and make that system work for yourself. And it's most interesting to see where the major growth is the major growth in our ranks is coming directly from those who were caught up with the charisma of one or two personalities where we have the charisma of 18:00 personalities and 18:00 communities where we really feel is where it is we would have branches overseas to him within the prisons. OK but just getting back to using the NAACP as a viable. Organization to bring
about some kind of change how can really that low man on the totem pole. How can he get into the organization and make the organization work for him. I mean something in terms of as small as Kennedy can the NAACP be instrumental in. Upgrading some of the services that citizens receive in the city. One of the things that happened recently I got a letter from a person who who obviously was not a college graduate the letter was not particularly well written it was a handwritten letter. I would judge from the from the. Unsteadiness of the hand that it was an elderly person and the person was complaining about the fact that they live next door to a city on lot that had for each of the last five years been filled with garbage and trash. I first wonder if there's anything we could do but we of course are something we can do about it.
We're going to help him get that likely because I'll bet you that there wouldn't be a city a next door or the mayor's office or the mayor's house on Beacon Hill that's filled with trash for one day much less one year. All right. Now that kind of discriminatory provision of city services is something the NAACP can has and will do something about. And all it took was one letter now. So what we're doing now from that letter I've set up a committee that is going to systematically canvass the community to locate all of those city lights that are filled with trash and all those other lights were brown. Now we will get the trash. Is there an outlet for people to come and call the NAACP. Can they come in. Is there anyone that they see specifically in the Boston office. We have 10 lines in our office and on any given day if you were to come in there what you would find is a very harried office secretary with volunteer assistants trying to keep up with all the lives that are ringing. People come in off the street. They send us letters. And any one of those means might be the way we get a
complaint. And however it comes in. We check it out and if it's valid we act on it. OK. Thank you. I'd like to thank you for joining us this evening. I'm sure that you've been quite informative and you've led quite a few of our viewers just learned a bit more about the NAACP and what it can do for them. Let me say one other thing NAACP is an interracial organization. Blacks and whites can join this organization. Thank you for being with us. Good night. The women's libbers want to get out their kitchens. Well you know what I want to get out their kitchens to. Daniels an FCC Commissioner Benjamin Hooks discussed the fate of black Journal and soul to black oriented television shows on the public
broadcasting service commissioner Hooksett there are a few questions of particular interest to our audience and say brother that I would like to ask you one concern is what's going to happen to black journal and so with National Educational Television Network publications. Well I think at this point that nobody really knows is that the FCC has not in the past had exercised much jurisdiction over the public at a television station under the law of course we license them and under the law we'd have a right to regulate them. There's always been something about that word public educational That is you know a record or a wall of sacredness around it. So the FCC has not dealt with it. Result of is of course that public television is much more segregated than prejudice and there's commercial television if you look at the employment to which I've looked that over and over again they networked it all along posh with black people it ought to be really responsive to his needs and interests for the most part does not respond as I look at the board of directors of most
of the public television stations. And not only did they all white but all the establishment white and I mean that the upper crust. And and then when they get blacks they tend to be establishment. Blacks also don't really focus in on what the brother really wants to deal with. There's no accident out of 221 public stations in this country. None of them have a single. None of them have a black manager. It's also evident that public television has conducted a very good campaign among blacks in terms of achieving support you know for very little and I am personally in favor of Black Journalists being continued. But I cannot accept the fact that that's all the black programming that they have to do and this is what they have done it's been sort of almost like a fraud. There were 13 top jobs in public television and a black man not a black person and not a single one of them. There's been so much problem in that and nobody has been able to tell them what to do and nobody deals with the fact that we all won't like them will continue to get all over this country. Local managers took it off as well. In many many communities where black agenda was never shown in the first place.
So what what my concern is not only that we continue Black Journalists So I think they're both excellent programs but that we should add more black programming. Let me say this when I'm asked that I don't buy the fiction that's peddled by many people in public television who say tell us about all the black programming they do when they're written by whites directed by whites conceived by white executed by whites and on the role of black play is to enact what they have preconceive. There's too much talent in this country black drama. Dramatic talent black production black talent. That ought to be utilized. And I think a black general and sold as being black would do in black and see that doesn't mean by any stretch of the imagination that I agree with all they do anymore. I agree with anybody else on anything but I do agree that they ought to be continued. And I'm hoping they will be. And not only that but we can have more black produced programming over the public television network. What's the future for blacks in cable TV. Well I think that black people everywhere ought to be concerned about cable TV that they ought to be about the business of trying to form themselves in the group either to obtain
franchise rights or to be involved in with the white companies in a substantial way that will be obtaining franchise rights and that we ought to get it on the ground if we can. But I don't think we ought to fool ourselves going to be an easy job because it is going to be money and I mean real big money to develop cable TV and a lot of visionary people in this country who extol the virtues and again they sell us a bill of goods about all the things that cable TV can do for us but they never tell us about the fact that it may cost 15 or 20 million dollars to get a cable TV company started in the major cities like Boston and we've got to be concerned about where we get equity capital from. So in a word I think it's an exciting development. I think it will be the wave of the future. And I think black folk ought to be involved in it. Is there one central place people can write to get information about cable TV. I don't know of any place in my team perhaps as much information anywhere in the country. You mention that in talking about cable TV that it might take a great deal of capital to get it started and that sort of dovetails into another question I want to ask you
about challenges to TV and radio license. It seems to me that not many very many TV stations are black and not many radio stations are black. No no television stations black owned and no public television stations that are licensed to black group. How can people go about challenging these licenses. What's involved in that. Well of course I get misquoted on this so much I take just a minute to say I don't go around the country advocating that people challenge license. I go around the country have advocating that people look at television if they don't like what they see in terms of serving the community interests that they would make whatever complaint they can to make them. And and if they're not satisfied with the employment practices they make whatever complaint they can make and then. Because I can't advocate people filing petitions to the night and then sit as a judge on what they've done. It's up to the local community to take whatever action they see. And one of the things I recommend is that if you are agreed by the actions of a local stations go to them whether it be public or commercial and express your grievances with a view to getting them redress.
But following petition is not in the sense of trying to get a state is a very costly and probably about the least effective way of doing it. I would not certainly take that as a means of trying to obtain a station because it's a costly long drawn out and very cumbersome and very inefficient stations are constantly being sold or television like venture capital they all come from who are very concerned about black and television where we're made available large sums of money to help these things. The aim of our swallows house is to constructively serve the Roxbury North
Dorchester. Mattapan community and more specifically the women of that community. Our community holds within its boundaries a growing diversity of cultural and ethnic backgrounds many of whom have their ancestral roots in Africa. Our program is directed towards the needs and interests of these women. We believe that women can function more effectively when we have a strong positive understanding of ourselves our family and our community and the special supportive and educational role that is ours. As women we hold an absolute responsibility to develop a program that endeavors to address itself to the various social cultural occupational and educational groups within the community. We feel it imperative. And naturally our responsibility to work to create a program that will offer constructive alternatives to the destructive effects of European imperialism
capitalism and racism. Some of the current programs being run at swallow's House are an introduction to yoga which is a non-competitive discipline emphasizing the experiencing of each yoga position rather than the perfection of it. Ty Choo-Choo one is an Eastern art using movement of your entire body so as to form various postures which systematically follow one another. Drama includes instruction in basic acting techniques and also the general technical aspects of theater. Spanish is offered in order to achieve the precious commodity of unity but we must first be able to communicate. Astrology is a course designed to help you know yourself. I will photography course is designed to teach students a creative use of the camera. The mother crafts course gives the class the basic techniques of working and designing in leather. Introduction to wood carving is a new way to express your creative energy and what I was
sewing alterations course is a money saver for these inflationary times. The library project is in the process of establishing an information center on the black woman which will include her history culture organizational tactics and methods of survival in order to meet these objectives intense and in-depth research and compilation of materials is taking place. This is being done through oral interviews recording and video taping of our senior residence carefully searching through information which is already compiled in our libraries and museums. No such library exists within the country and the concentration of this important daughter when completed will not only be unique but will be extremely vital and serving to enlighten and educate the community to the true role of the black woman throughout history. Finally I those evenings is a new program devised to bring together members and their friends to participate in activities that
entertain amuse and educate. These evenings take place every Monday night beginning at 7:30 and ending at 10:00 p.m.. Call us at 4 4 2 9 6 4 5 for further details. We hope to see you soon. School alternatives for education. Then September of 1974 the federal court ruling ordering the desegregation of all Boston Public Schools has been in effect forced busing has been used as the means to implement this ruling.
Unfortunately transporting children across town lines based on color alone has had many ill effects the past six months have shown these effects have been slow and experienced by all children. The very people this desegregation ruling was designed to help. Because of the absence of frightened children from school project safe were designed to assist children in their academic growth. The program was created by black agencies parents college students and senior citizens. Project Safe offers courses in math English and reading for all black children in grades 1 to 12. It is important to note that those qualified volunteers remain available Monday through Friday from 9:00 a.m. and 1:00 p.m. The program is not an accredited alternative to the Boston Public School System. Project Safe is just a temporary learning situation for children not attending school due to severe problems at their specific school. Immediate
registration is available for children at the following black community centers Columbia Point teen center and Columbia Point Unipod community center. On American Legion highway. Roxbury YMCA on Warren Street. Shaw house. Luteal Avenue. Women's improvement league. Five candidates to. Youth Development Center at 4:30 4:01 street for further information please contact Tom Edwards. At 4 2 7 3 3 0 1 4 2 7 3 3 0 2. Think. You know they said well and made me laugh
it cry. And you know they meant like they said no and you know they meant black and now they said Blethyn and not everybody knows where they come along. Go.
Do. You want to. This.
For your thing an hour. Or. More. For. One day the buzzard was sailing around the sky looking for food and found that when he spied a rabbit looking for a cool place to rest in the midday sun. So he decided to try to get him. Asked him how I was doing. Rabbits is pretty hot.
But it tells him it's cooler up where he's come from. And suggest the rabbit go for a ride. The rabbit didn't know what to think about. It's closer to the sun. It should be hotter up there. But he looks so rested and cool. Finally he accepts. He gets on the Buzz's back and they sail up in the sky. When he feels the rabbit is all cool uncomfortable buzzard assures him they are going to make a landing. Down. He was about a hundred feet straight down and the power died and then zooms back up and the rabbit falls off. So he a rather for lunch. Next day when he's looking for food he sees a squirrel. So he calms down and lights beside squirrel ask him how he feel a. Squirrel telling me it's pretty hot but it's a it's cool where I come from. Want to take a ride with me. Since a squirrel had been accustomed to the trees being cooler up high. He accepts he figures it'll be cooler the higher he goes. So they go sailing way on up and the buzzard gives him time to cool off.
By the way a small monkey was in the top of the tree watching buzzard play a trick on squirrel. When the squirrel cooled off he takes another power dive and goes right back up. So the squirrel falls off and a squirrel for dinner. Next day the monkey watch the buzzer when he sees him come and he gets out where the budget can see him and pretends to be hot. Fuzzy lights down beside them and says Good day. Ask them how I feel. So the monkey tells him the sun is burning him up. And he wishes he knew where there was a cool place. It tells him it's cool where he come from and ask him to take a rag with him. The monkey accepts So they say around when he figures the monkey cooled off the bugs he starts to make another LBR die. But the monkey wraps his tail around the Buzzard's neck. Go you Chalker me. Then straighten up and fly right. I have no monkey for dinner today. The buzzer took the monkey for a ride in the air. The
monkey thought that everything was on the square. The Buzza tried to throw the monkey off his back. The monkey grabbed his neck and said Now listen Jack. Straighten up and fly right. Around us. In. Our. Own. The U S N.
S. T. S. N s. In our
Series
Say Brother
Episode Number
419
Episode
N.a.a.c.p.
Producing Organization
WGBH Educational Foundation
Contributing Organization
WGBH (Boston, Massachusetts)
AAPB ID
cpb-aacip/15-9h12v71q
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Description
Episode Description
This episode examines the role of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in the lives of African Americans. Host Leah Fletcher interviews Vernon Sport (President of the New England Regional Conference of the NAACP), Tom Atkins (President of the Boston Branch of the NAACP), and Reverend Charles Smith (National Board Member for the NAACP) and asks how the NAACP works towards equality in America, how the NAACP has proven itself, what the role is of the court system in the NAACP's work, how the NAACP decides which issues it will pursue, how citizen or test cases are selected, in what areas the NAACP has been most effective, and why desegregation in Boston is an important issue. Additional segments include "Blast from the Past" (with an excerpt from a 1972 Say Brother interview with Federal Communications Commission Commissioner (FCC) Benjamin Hooks conducted by Lee Daniels), "Access" (on the services provided by the Aswalos House), "Information" (on Project Safe), the "Community Calendar," and "Commentary" by Producer Marita Rivero.
Series Description
Say Brother is WGBH's longest running public affairs television series by, for and about African Americans, and is now known as Basic Black (1998 - present). Since its inception in 1968, Say Brother has featured the voices of both locally and nationally known African American artists, athletes, performers, politicians, professionals, and writers.
Date
1975-03-17
Asset type
Episode
Topics
Race and Ethnicity
Public Affairs
Subjects
Race; race relations; African Americans Massachusetts; Boston (Mass.) History
Rights
Rights Note:Media not to be released to Open Vault.,Rights Type:Web,Rights Credit:,Rights Holder:
Media type
Moving Image
Duration
00:59:17
Embed Code
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Credits
Producing Organization: WGBH Educational Foundation
AAPB Contributor Holdings
WGBH
Identifier: 31219253cbbf357ce445c0006283be2232ac6854 (ArtesiaDAM UOI_ID)
Format: video/quicktime
Color: Color
Duration: 00:59:17;20
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Citations
Chicago: “Say Brother; 419; N.a.a.c.p.,” 1975-03-17, WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC, accessed May 19, 2024, http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-9h12v71q.
MLA: “Say Brother; 419; N.a.a.c.p..” 1975-03-17. WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Web. May 19, 2024. <http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-9h12v71q>.
APA: Say Brother; 419; N.a.a.c.p.. Boston, MA: WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting (GBH and the Library of Congress), Boston, MA and Washington, DC. Retrieved from http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-15-9h12v71q