8 Smith (?)

This, then, is the brighter side of education, the constructive one. It is the converse leg of the paradox which holds that while education is helping to destroy, it must also reconstruct. It was admirably described, but Dr. Ernest C. Moore, Harvard University, when he said, the education which we see must not be one that destroys life, the education which we see must have only one object to serve life, and one justification that it serves. By life, we do not mean mere existence, but a certain kind of existence. Our want for it is more real than anything we know. For the sake of it, men suffer wounds. Our torn asunder are impaled, yet count imprisonment, loss of possessions, and agonizing death as little things beside the loss of their conviction that the good of men must be served.

Well, the educator, that alone, is the real thing, and the reason that we have education at all, is because of the value we place on human life. So speaks and in America. Well, that is what we and all free people believe. That's not all of the principles of democracy. That is our creed. Our ideology has contracted with that of the totalitarian which requires complete sacrifice of the individual human being. General Eisenhower once said that strength is required to cooperate. Weakness can only be. That is the sentiment underlying the free world, especially America. It too was described by Mr. Hanson W. Baldwin, military editor of the New York Times, who writing three or four years ago in Harper's Magazine said, the European Recovery Plan, the political and military strengthening of the West,

a firm stand against aggression. All these policies must be supported. We must maintain our military strength. We must be realists, aware of the dangers of the world in which we live, watchful in alert, but not alarmist, firm and strong, but not provocative, definite and precise, but patient. In other words, the price of liberty continues to be the eternal vigilance of those who enjoy it, especially in the time of changing values. In this critical period, we dare not take our democratic government for granted. We must not think of it as we do a familiar landmark. That is not the history of the struggle for human freedom. Our democracy, a working democracy, requires the personal participation of the people in the fairs of government. And above all, there is the constant necessity

and that's what applies to us, firm. The constant necessity to inculcate in the youth of America, a poor appreciation of the heritage of which they will be the trustees tomorrow. And so it is not difficult for us to understand what Aristotle man when he said. It is not the processions, but the desires of mankind which must be equalized and this is impossible unless a sufficient education is provided by the state. How truly the old philosopher spoke. For it is indeed a born and people well taught that maintenance of democratic principles depends today as in all yesterday's other nations. That is why the educational progress of the United States, since Jefferson defined the schoolhouse as the main borrower of any society of free men and women, stands forth as one of the greatest triumphs of the past three centuries. Very good, you may say, but what about Korea?

When I was in Japan last winter, the prominent citizen of Osaka complained that the absence of a full-blown typhoon last fall caused a serious slowdown in Japan's plan of rehabilitation. Noting my look at the wilderness, he explained that while a typhoon was usually accompanied by considerable loss of life and property, this would be often, many fall through the advantage of the refilled storage lakes at the hydro plants supplying Japan's electric pump. Something like that applies with respect to the Korean War. Terrible as has been the loss of life and treasure by the United Nations, still the direct advantage of the containment of the forces of aggression and the indirect advantage of the uniting literally of 30-some nations in a basic operation, to say nothing of approving ground for modern arms and tactics and for mobilization and training have been and are of tremendous value.

But one may insist what about Korea? It was said in World War II that we should have to pay for it and blood and tears and sweat and money. Obviously, that was the price, but we may respectfully inquire, whom did one mean by we? It is the youth of today and tomorrow who pay in blood and sweat and money and interrupted careers. To be sure, our generation of adults may be called upon to shed some tears and to give up some money which would be worthless if we were allowed to keep it. But it is our children and our children's children who really will assume our deaths and we might reasonably predict that in prosecuting our wars, they may decide to tolerate no longer a society that cannot avoid these catastrophes. There is only one way to salvation in this tragic era through education.

We must realize that this is not merely a war. It is a phase of the greatest revolution civilization has ever experienced. We shall never see the old days again. We ought to have a new social order. We can guide development of that order only through knowledge widely distributed among the people. Furthermore, the only ones to live in this new world are our children. Our boys now fighting in and behind the lions in Korea and their offspring. Unless these young people are trained to understand the new world and to shape it according to the principles for which they are now fighting. There is little use in continuing struggle in conclusion. In this critical period since we have now well started the second half of the 20th century.

A century which probably always will be notorious for dictatorship, devastation and death. In this critical period let our minds go back to the beginning of the American Republic.